INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR
SOUTHEAST EUROPEAN ANTHROPOLOGY
ASSOCIATION INTERNATIONALE
D’ANTHROPOLOGIE DU SUD-EST EUROPÉEN
INTERNATIONALE GESELLSCHAFT
FÜR DIE ANTHROPOLOGIE SÜDOSTEUROPAS
3rd Conference
URBAN
LIFE AND CULTURE IN
SOUTHEASTERN
EUROPE
ABSTRACTS
May 26-29, 2005
Belgrade, Serbia and Montenegro
Conference Organizers:
International Association for Southeast European Anthropology
School of Philosophy, University of Belgrade, SCG
Südosteuropa-Gesellschaft, Germany
Conference Sponsors:
Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research,USA
Republic of Serbia Ministry for Science and Ecology
Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe, Sponsored by Germany
Keynote Lecture Abstracts
Paper Abstracts
CONFERENCE
ABSTRACTS
Cities draw fortune-seekers and adventurers,
produce flâneurs and anarchists, inspire novelists and film-makers. Their
histories, nostalgias and pathologies have been documented by poets (like
Juvenal), literary scholars (like Raymond Williams), sociologists (like the
Chicago School) and security analysts (who examine the “feral mega-cities” of
the present). What then does anthropology, with its rural baggage and mostly
second-hand theoretical trappings, have to offer?
A range of responses have been offered in the
past thirty years, stressing in particular how participant-observation delivers
the “underview” of the urban experience. The phenomenon of mass migration from
country to city, especially dominant in the modernising post-World-War II
period, offered new opportunities to ethnographers whose assigned reading had
heavily featured classic monographs of island, tribe or village.
A generation later, though, genres are
considerably more blurred. Ethnography is practiced across the social sciences
and humanities, even as its essentially fictive nature is broadly being
acknowledged. Suburbs and exurbs pose categorical challenges to the old
rural-urban model, as do new transnational vectors of human mobility and communication,
in which forced displacement, foreign military and civilian deployments, human
trafficking and corporate profit-seeking compound the impact of diverse forms
of labour migration across the globe.
In this dynamic, scaled-up environment, urban
anthropology in, of and from Southeastern Europe has a central contribution to
make. The paper draws on past and present work from the region to highlight
three components of that contribution – naming and anonymity, framing and the
optics of representation, and contested claims to civility.
The student interested in the historical
anthropology of the city knowingly or unknowingly immediately positions
him/herself within an epistemological triangle defined by anthropology, history
and urban studies. In the last few decades the classical anthropology of
otherness has been accused of intellectual colonialism. Shifting the emphasis
on another set of distant fields, we can ask the question: has historical
anthropology been attempting to colonise the past? If we add the urban milieu
as another defining element of the investigation: how do we avoid the Scylla of
constructing identities and Carbide of turning the city into an abstract thing?
The proposal of the text is to approach past
urban culture(s) with the motive of making sense of human acts as texts about
acts or with the motive to understand: the city, culture and change. It offers
some methodological reflections, a short survey of the field and a case to
ground the claims and hypotheses. As every anthropologist and social historian
would say, there is nothing more puzzling that the everyday fact. The coupages are imprecise and conditional,
their ordinariness and routinenesssubversively misleading. Eating out as an
intrinsic urban ritual appears to be a convenient research case, bringing
together modernity, alienation, gender, distinction, competitiveness, discourse
and symbol.
In March 2004, anti-Muslim rioters
damaged the Bajraklija mosque in Belgrade, the oldest structure in the city outside
of the Kalamegdan fortress. Ironically, that mosque had been repaired,
maintained and staffed by Serbian state funds in the middle of the 19th
century, at the time that Serbia obtained autonomy from the Ottoman Empire.
This paper looks at the history of the construction and destruction of mosques
and churches in Belgrade and elsewhere in the Balkans as manifestations of
symbolic dominance, and argues that this form of contested symbolism is still
practiced not only by “nationalists” in Bosnia and Serbia but also by
representatives of the international community.
In 1980 Ulf Hannerz published his well known
book, from which the title of this paper is taken. Nevertheless, inquiries into
urban anthropology remained a marginal topic. In 1993 Ina-Maria Greverus gave
reasons, why anthropologists remained for decades a „notoriously agoraphobic
lot”. In the last ten, fifteen years, however, urban space, urban places and
urban life has become a central research field. But hardly did urbanism appear
in the discipline was it called into question on the theoretical level.
In my paper, I will discuss central concepts of
city and urbanism, not only their potential for contemporary urban
anthropology, but also the often hidden images behind them. With a focus on the
everyday dimension, I will end with some proposals for reformulating
“urbanism”.
Paper Abstracts
From its conception at the end of the 19th
century up to present day attempts to end what turned into a never-ending
building story, the cathedral dedicated to St. Sava on Vračar Hill in
Belgrade was meant to epitomise and monumentalise the Serbian nation. The
construction efforts both followed and tried to shape political and ideological
shifts in Serbia’s troublesome twentieth century. In my paper I intend to
reveal the forces and influences behind the construction of the St. Sava
Cathedral and reveal the distance between their objectives and experienced
reality.
The construction of religio-national monuments
typically involves the production, reproduction and manipulation of meaning.
The building of St. Sava Cathedral shares this feature, involving and
visualising in it all the vicissitudes of recent Serbian history. The
significance of the construction of St. Sava Cathedral has been transformed
from the visual sign of the drive to unify all Serbs at the turn of the
twentieth century to the inter-war strategy of using it to stress Serbian
(pre)eminence in multiethnic Yugoslavia to Communist suppression of its
construction as a symbol of Serbian nationalism, whose revival it indeed
represented in the 1980s, to finally be abandoned in the 1990s as the
nationalist project fell in disarray. Its design and location in the urban
landscape provoked and continues to provoke debate, showing how monuments are
built in discourse just like in reality.
This study is an attempt to analyse the
intensity of human contacts in the blocks of flats build during the socialist
regime in Romania. Like in many socialist countries, the forced
industrialisation process was followed by a forced urbanisation process. The
building of big factories made mandatory the building of big blocks of flats of
poor quality for the large numbers of skilled workers and their families.
Usually these labourers were of rural origin (first or second generation “with
shoes” as we say in Romania). Thus they were expected to have rural-like
neighbourhood relationships (intense, informal, extended, etc.) and to exhibit
rural-like behaviour (free communication, strong control through public
opinion, intense observation of community space, judgmental rumors, etc.) The
intensity of neighborhood relationships among the inhabitants of a block of
flats build in 1978 in Timisoara was measured using a “neighborhood integration
index”. The results showed that the urban environment changed dramatically
formerly community-oriented public life and led the inhabitants to more
individualistic behaviour. This behaviour led to the drop of associative
attitudes and recently to a reversal of (urban → rural) migration flow.
The theoretical basis for the paper can be
found in the definition of graffiti as "folklore epigraphy" i.e.
expressive culture that manifest itself in written or visual form, for the most
part anonymously, through the utilisation of public space. Graffiti,
considering the locality of its creation, method of communication and potential
recipients, who together with the message-senders share a certain
city-orientated Weltanschauung, is foremostly an urban phenomenon. The
content and the form of messages, on the other hand, can be idiosyncratic and
individual or traditional and collective. Almost as a rule, we are dealing with
messages and attitudes which in order to become overt, have no alternative
means of expression, save through graffiti. Some of them mirror widely accepted
values and opinions, whilst others reflect socially unacceptable or undesirable
attitudes. Graffiti, beside its primary communicative function, frequently
incorporates an aesthetic dimension, which establishes it as a
legitimate domain of folkloristic and semiological research. Graffiti
found and recorded on the streets of Belgrade in the fall and winter of 2004/05,
will be presented in the paper. Although a relatively non-turbulent political
climate in the country has not proven to be a particularly fertile ground for
the appearance of inflammatory, humorous and critically minded political
graffiti that characterised the 1990s, graffiti emerging today deals with
subjects that, nontheless, are witness to the zeitgeist and current interests.
Based on their content, the graffiti in question can be classified into several
categories: political, ethnic and national intolerances, gender discrimination,
musings of football devotees, "philosophical" graffiti, love
messages, "notifications". Each expresses the worldview of its author
and will be the subject of semantic, contextual and functional analysis. This
paper is the result of a collective effort by several scholars and students
from the Department of Ethnology and Anthropology, School of Philosophy,
Belgrade.
Urban public spaces have represented a core issue
in urban planning, but their meaning have profoundly changed in our fragmented
postmodern cities. What could be considered an urban public space and/or place
and, above all, how to reimagine it has become a crucial issue in sustaining an
expanded democratic and inclusive urban life in increasingly complex urban
environments. In this paper we explore this topic in relation to the
transitional urban environments of western Balkan cities where exogenous models
of urban development risk simply being transferred without any reference to the
local context.
In
particular we focus on Split, one of the most important cities in Croatia,
where the municipal government is resorting to technocratic traditional land
use planning based on the top-down concept of “public interest” to escape a
socio-economic and cultural crisis and to stabilise a fragile democracy.
Our study
shows that in this complex urban environment, new local meanings of public
urban space and place are emerging in everyday politics of city construction by
means of constant negotiations between new and old social practices and
local/global cultural patterns. These negotiations need to be taken into
account in an expanded social debate. Otherwise, emerging potentials of social
learning and conflict run the risk of being ignored together with the
opportunities for generating local meanings of public urban space and
reimagining local futures of coexistence.
Towards the end of the 20th century,
globalisation and other dramatic factors such as the collapse of the socialism,
ethnic conflicts etc., forced people from abroad to migrate to Mediterranean or
other European regions. This kind of migration is different from migration
described to date in history and anthropology. There exist many and complex inter-connections between
migration and the formation and development of migrant communities, cultures
and ethnic identities. Thus the mass influx of immigrants and the way of their
settlements emerge has become a new and important research field in
anthropology and history.
In this paper I will emphasise the ill-
documented and hidden history of Greek women’s rural-urban migration. I am
interested in the history and memory of their dramatic “exodus” from the
mountainous villages and on the history of their everyday life into their new
settlements. Attention will be paid to the way in which their local culture is recreated and
transformed by them in the suburbs of the cities.
The research is based on anthropological
fieldwork as well as on the analysis of life stories. The use of oral
testimonies and other forms of life stories can reveal not only the patterns of
events which took place, but also reveal how women felt about migration.
My research focusses on a question which seems
to be rather clear: namely the social use of public spaces in urban areas. How
do we use a given urban space and, in another dimension, how dothe constructed
environments influence the people who use them. How do the spaces form the users
and how do the users form these public spaces? Are there any specific
characteristics to these places and how dothey change over time? I have chosen
a very limited urban area, within the city, a specific urban phenomenon:
motropolitan railway stations. I would like to present a train station –
specifically the Budapest “Keleti” Station – as a unit within the urban
environment and a meeting point for the people. Already in the 19th
century, this station was “a veritable microcosm of industrial society, a public
place where all social classes rub shoulders.” The station symblises a border,
a frontier between the country’s “open world” and the city’s “closed world,”
like a new-age city gate. But how has this special urban environment developed
in the past and today, when train stations all around Europe are trying to find
a new “identity” for themselves, to develop truly new kinds of functions.
Functions where the station is more than just a transport junction but a new
type of city centre (see: Paris – Gare du Nord, Gare Montparnasse, London –
Waterloo, Bruxelles – Midi, Berlin – future Zentralbahnhof, etc.).
On 27 August 1895, a group of Bulgarian intellectuals climbed Cherni vrah, the highest peak of the Vitosha Mountain near Sofia. This event was the inauguration of tourism and the tourist movement in Bulgaria. Aleko Konstantinov, a popular Bulgarian writer of the 19th century was amongst the initiators. He also wrote a story dedicated to this event and expressed the feelings and motivations of the participants: an homage of local natural environment. It appears that these feelings were shared by many because mountain excursions and picnics soon became a specific feature of urban/bourgeois culture and of the lifestyle of intellectuals. Since then, climbing Vitosha Mountain has become the favorite liesure activity for residents of Sofia of all generations.
This paper discusses mountain tourism as a point of intersection of the mass urban culture of the 20th century in Bulgaria and the veneration of the local environment as specific expression of national feelings.
There exists a limited academic discourse on youth cultures in general,
the emerging rave and techno culture in particular, in modern Turkey. Although
a tradition of ethnographic research on popular culture in Turkey has emerged
since the 1990s, one of the most interesting and amorphous youth subcultures of
the 1990s and the new millennium, “the
new clubber or rave” subculture, has not been fully examined. The lack of
research on rave culture – an upper class urban culture of youth renowned for
amphetamine drug-use, an interest in computer-generated music known as techno
and attendance at all-night-long “rave” dance parties – is surprising considering the notoriety the
group has received in popular media and the new consumption practices and style
it has brought along. The urban night-life scene has become an arena of
identity formation and consumerism.
In the 1980s Turkey chose to follow liberalist economic policies in
which the industry sector would be encouraged and a new bourgeoisie in Western
terms would be created. Turkey was getting ready to be integrated into the
global system. With Özalist laissez faire
policies, modern Turkey embraced capital flow as well as import foreign trends,
images, culture and consumptional practices that resulted in a massive wave of
meta fetishism. Media, especially TV, bombarded this transitional society with
popular leisure programming (both foreign and Turkish) with smiling, shining
and winning icons of the American dream and led this transitional society to
the ideal of the “affluent West” following the motto “work hard, spend more.”
Different urban groups were formed as a result of this look West on the one
hand, on the other, immigrant masses
clinging to their traditions flooded metropolitan areas in the course of
Turkish industrialisation since the 1960s. Arabesk has been the “culture” of
the second-generation immigrant youth who had adaptation problems in the city
and felt alienated. This trend was followed by the rock youth culture of the
1990s, which had its roots inurban, upper-middle class families dwelling in the
cities. I chose to analyse one of those informal groupings: the new rave
culture in urban Turkey especially in the second half of the 1990s.
In my study I examine the existing literature on rave and come to some
conclusions about its cultural, commercial and post-industrial significance. I
argue that the practice of raving and the values ravers promote, when combined
with the size of the rave community (raving is today a global phenomena
supported by worldwide media channels such as MTV and global marketing,
advertising and brands), pose significant questions about millennium youth,
pointing at the link between globalisation and consumer culture phenomena, the
proliferation of pro-technology and pleasure seeking, apolitical, brand bound,
escapist younth and cynical consumer raving through hyperreality, dissolving
feelings and commitment into irony. I try to explore where this new middle
class urban youth culture stands in the resistance-passivity continuum in
Turkish rave culture. Could it be a form of symbolic intentional-tactical
resistance against mainstream value systems and culture? Could it be a
high-speed, ever-accelerating technological-cultural evolutionary process
associated with the turn of the millennium as one of the ramifications of
integrating “high tech” into leisure consumption which again could be
interpreted as resistive to mainstream skepticism about postmodern
technological developments as well as to perspectives on “how technology should
be used” through hyper-consumption, as the Baudrillarian argument suggests? Or
rather than subversion or deviance, as noted by Malbon and McRobbie, is it a
subtle resistance, a “quiet”, depoliticised social movement incorporated and
trivialised by global trends and brands? Or is it a case where raver youth, who
debatably exist in the postmodern “iron cage” of mass media images, education,
work and urban life, purposefully, consciously, non-resistantly and temporarily
“escape” through excessive pleasure? Are we seriously to believe that the
images of consumer culture or indeed the individualised meanings that we
attribute to objects of consumption, override the influence of parents,
friends, significant role models and so forth? Are identities devoid of any of
the influences of early socialisation or of the range of experiences that life
throws up, or of our experiences of success and failure, satisfaction and
emptiness?
As a consequence of democratisation of higher
education and social requirements for well-educated experts after the Second
World War, the number of students at Belgrade University was increasing
constantly, forming a significant part of the young population in the city. For
many students who came from the province to Belgrade, the problems of
accomodation, food supplyand adaptation to urban life were very evident. Some
of them accepted the new way of life without difficulties, but others retained
old habits and lifestyles for a long time. After finishing their studies, many
students remained in Belgrade, found employment and began family to become a
large part of the incoming population in Belgrade after the Second World War.
At the same time, they formed an intellectual elite, which contributed to the
development and progress of the economy, education, science and culture in Belgrade.
The first decade after the war was an especially significant one, because this
difficult period was marked by poverty, the effects of the war, great social
changes and permanent ideological and propagandistic pressure from the
Communist Party. The aim of this article is to examine the lifestyle, work and
behaviour of provincial students in Belgrade after the Second World War in the
faculties, libraries, student hostels, canteens, their cultural and everyday
life, with emphasis on the process of adaptation to urban life and their mutual
influence on the city suroundings. The work is based on the archive research,
the press, memoirs, statistics and historical literature.
The subject of the clergy and urban orthodox
parishes can be approached from several points of view. First, one could study
the structure and functioning of cities within the bishoprics in relation to
their geographic location. Second, one can point out basic problematic issues
of the people and the Church in specific regions in which the population is
ethnically diverse. The third interesting point is the influence of the clergy
and religious life on the local city culture (specifically larger cities, which
are social and cultural centres). I have also tried to trace the attitudes of
the clergy and the public by studying the bishoprics in the central and
southern regions of west Bulgaria as well as the regions along the coast of the
Black Sea from Bourgas southwards.
I will summarise here some of the primary
problems that the clergy have to face today. On the one hand there exists a
lack of regulated finances for supporting the church. Each bishopric must find
its own means for helping its parishes in terms of raising money for example
for repairs on buildings, etc. It is interesting to note that despite these
financial difficulties, city churches are being repaired everywhere, depending
on local funds. The local community contributes a great deal by raising money
or taking an active part in the repair work.
Additional
problems, characteristic to the different regions in Bulgaria related to city
culture, Christian traditions, city expansions or urban migration also exist.
The problematic areas related to the Bulgarian city, religion and ethnic
interaction within it that make up new cultural traditions, demonstrate in one
way or another the relations between society and the Church, as well as Church
social dimensions and its role in people’s lives.
Situated in the multiethnic region of Banat,
the city of Timisoara is considered a model of tolerance and peaceful
coexistence. This image is deeply rooted in the conscience of its inhabitants.
The Cultural Anthropology and Oral History
Group of the The Third Europe Foundation – Timisoara studies this phenomenon.
Completed projects aimed at developing an oral history archive. Presently, this
archive contains over four hundred interviews with Banatians coming from
different ethnic groups. The study of these interviews has led to the
publishing of several books.
The present project aims to reveal the way in
which the image of the city of Timisoara is reflected in the discourses of its
inhabitants. We also want to identify the elements that form the urban identity
and the resonance of certain monuments, buildings or other public places in
people’s memory. People preserve memories of each epoch in their lives, and
these are continually reproduced.
The starting point of this research was an
analysis of the oral history archive. We focused our attention on the
discourses of the inhabitants of Timisoara belonging to different generations,
social classes, religions or ethnic groups. Besides the “life-story”
interviews, this urban anthropology project also made use of guided interviews.
The subjects of these interviews are people engaged in preserving the city
identity. This category includes actors in
public communication, collectors, heads of cultural institutions and
others. The socio-anthropological analysis of the interviews will represent an
analysis of the urban memorial cultures.
The study is an interdisciplinary approach,
integrating sociological, anthropological and urban geography perspectives fed
by the various expertises of the authors. In spite of the abundant Romanian
literature on urban topics, there is a lack of comprehensivity: the
contributions tend to be limited to certain scientific domains and particular
issues. This paper sketches the outline of an integrative perspective.
The aim of the study is to highlight the impact
of transition period on urban areas, especially on demography, living conditions
and culture in Romania. This will be discussed within a larger framework of
historical urbanisation processes in Romania in a comparative perspective with
Southeastern European and Western regional trends.
Urbanisation is approached from a social change
paradigm and emphasised as a central development process but also as a source
of diverse effects. Major dynamics like urban expansion, periurbanisation,
residential migration and commuting, and the expansion of the tertiary sector
will be addressed. Among negative effects, the informal economy, deviant
subcultures, poverty pockets, ruralisation of small towns’ in their profile and
lifestyles, aging and demographic decline, weakening of social cohesion,
environment deterioration will be mentioned as well.
The analyses provide a special focus on urban
poverty as a phenomenon distinct from rural poverty and on social inclusion as
an intended product of Europeanisation relevant mainly in the urban context.
Communism, as ideology and political practice,
intended to build a completely new society, which was to be populated by the
New Men of communism. In the communist interpretation, the New Man was
unambiguously an urban utopia, and his ‘purest’ home was to be the new
‘socialist’ cities, which were created in several communist countries:
Magnitogorsk in the USSR, Nowa Huta in Poland, Sztálinváros in Hungary,
Eisenhüttenstadt in the GDR. Bulgaria also had its new town, Dimitrovgrad in
southwestern Bulgaria. The construction of the town started in 1948, mainly by
using labour of youth brigades, which earned it the title “City of the Youth”.
As the Party had hoped, Dimitrovgrad turned out
to be a microcosm of socialism in Bulgaria. Already during its construction,
chaos ruled and the erection of buildings often went without plan. The
recruitment of workers was also difficult as was the supply of the urban
population with food. So many inhabitants of the new socialist city were forced
to pursue small-scale agricultural activities, to the horror of the city
authorities, who saw their vision of a modern city tainted. On the other hand,
the architectural layout of the city, its place in the regime’s ideology and
the pervasive cultural and propaganda efforts that took place helped to shape
new identities among the urban population, many of whom had come from the
countryside.
My paper will present the strategies of the
authorities as well as the accommodation practices in Dimitrovgrad and will
place this example in the wider context of new socialist cities.
Regulation of contemporary urban space development
is of a complex nature. Inappropriate programmes and the insufficient
integration of the public in planning processes may result in developmental
discord. The rigid principles of urban planning fail to solve conflicts
encountered in the contemporary city. City centres are thus being abandoned and
the suburbs are spreading without regulation.
The emergence of the degraded areas in the city
centre is accelerated through the inflexibility of planning programmes. As a
starting point, the choice of an appropriate social programme is needed for the
revitalisation of city centres. Due to inadequate analysis, originating in
political and economic interests, only certain types of privileged programmes
are being promoted. Strategies of city centre revitalisation include renovation
as well as social transformation. The success of revitalisation is enabled by
the interaction of research and the coordination of appropriate strategies
(gentrification, turistification, conservation, citisation).
The purpose of the paper is to analyse the
development processes of contemporary cities. The uses of public space can be
revealed through different kinds of events which take place in a specific urban
place. Public interventions in open urban space act as points of public
interest.
This
paper is the result of a polite question posed by a guest anthropologist, an
Englishman, who was visiting the city of Zagreb, Croatia, that the public space
in our town was slightly overcrowded by the images of women on city billboards.
Far from being unnoticed, the phenomenon in itself was discussed privately
among Croatian anthropologists, annoyed by the abuse of the image of women in
commercials, but was never approached analytically, neither from feminist
stances nor from media approaches. The billboards appear to be both a
reflection of a newly developed capitalist urge for profit and a newly
discovered modus for publicising commodities and finding customers in a
post-socialist society. In the changing urban, post-socialist landscape,
billboards have been appearing everywhere, along the highways, on the fronts of
buildings, on skylines and bus stops. What is striking is the connection
between the female figure and merchandise of all kind. Womanhood has been
established as a sign of successful production, advertising and selling. The
“stranger” of the title of this paper is confused by the variety of contexts women
were put in, in these visual commercials. Young, smiling, fit, sparcely
dressed, eroticised women from the billboards appeared to be selling goods from
beverages, food, clothes to cars, travel and life insurance, challenging the
“native” female anthropologists to think back about commodified bodies.
In 1991, when Tudjman's party won the Croatian
elections, a movement of renaming the streets began. This occurred in all the
cities and villages of the newly independent country, but was broadly
implemented in Zagreb. The movement slowed down after 2000.
In a precise analysis of the new names given to
Zagreb's streets and squares, the paper intends to show how a political power
uses the city as a scene to produce its ideology. The capital in particular, is
the best location, and even more the centre of the capital when seen as the
real heart of the new country in which the state has to assert its power.
Indeed,
a power needs places to acquire a concrete visibility. Consequently, these
renamed places are not chosen for their beauty, but for their significance and
connotations. A new power uses the same places as did the old power it
replaces. Indeed, renaming the streets and squares is a way of erasing the
memory of the old power, buring and forgetting its vocabulary, heroes, and
periods of reference, etc. and by denying places any significance they gave to
these.
The example of Zagreb between 1991 and 2000
proves that cities are political objects. Zagreb tells of the political break
of the 1990s. On the symbolic field, the capital city condenses the authority
of the government and the policy of the whole state.
The amplification of the urbanisation process
and its implications on different aspects of life has generated many
constructions and reconstructions of social dynamics. In this context we can
speak of the reshaping of the gender concept and its socio-cultural and
professional dimensions.
A profile of urban society and the spatial,
temporal and axiological reconstruction it supposes, can be realised, also,
from the perspective of re-assessing gender roles. In this way, we can talk
even of a reshaping of these representations in the collective mind.
Urban life, the actions and interactions it
involves, has had a major impact upon the reshaping of masculinity and
femininity, the couple and marital representations, stereotypes and gender
prejudices. An important aspect of the diagnosis of urban life is the reshaping
of marital and couple relationships. The urban family is formed and functions
according to other rules than those of the archaic village space.
The urbanisation process generates social,
economical and professional gender interactions, changes and reshapes the
statutes and roles that men and women can assume in the new urban context. All
these aspects have a major influence upon attraction and rejection between the
two sexes and upon marital and couple relationships.
In the last two decades, gender relationships
in the city have experienced major changes, especially in Southeastern Europe.
The process of migration from rural to urban
areas after the collapse of the communist regimes has produced important
changes in the population distribution. One of the characteristics of urban
life is the greater access to information and new technologies, which have a
major influence on gender relationships in the family, in the work place and in
social interactions.
It is well known that the media (TV,
newspapers, journals, magazines, internet) contribute and influence greatly the
construction of stereotypes and prejudices at several levels of human
interrelation, especially in gender relationships.
The paper will focus on four main issues: (1)
The influence of migration from rural to urban areas on gender and family
relationships; (2) The impact of migration, urbanisation and media on
lifestyles in the city; (3) How gender stereotypes and prejudices are reflected
in the media; and (4) Media influences on gender and family relationships in
the city.
The
collapse of the Soviet Union and the dissolution of the myth regarding the
background of the “Soviet people” have generated new and unexpected dilemmas
for these formerly totalitarian societies. The fragility of values and
traditions, specific for transitory periods, provoked a serious gap in the
frame of social attitudes, identity feelings and collective representations. In
the process of identity building, collective memory is a powerful force.
In this
study we propose to investigate the metamorphoses of collective memory and
identity reflected in a post-Soviet capital city’s monuments, relying on the
concept of „lieux de memoire”. We
consider the investigation of the social attitudes, values and representations
toward historical monuments being able to reflect the evolution of memory
culture and the shift of its role in creating new national, yet unconventional
historical identities.
We will
refer to the example of the Republic of Moldova, which today is confronted with
a crisis of identity and a legacy of outraged memory. Political rituals,
ceremony and the symbolic representation of power and government have played a
prominent role in the history of the Republic of Moldova. In this paper we wish
to present how, since 1989, the perception of historical monuments in the
Republic of Moldova has evolved, studying the case of Chisinau as a post-Soviet
capital city.
We will
focus more specifically on analysing the confrontations between official
(political) and unofficial (collective) discourses toward the „sites of memory”
in order to demonstrate that the collective culture in the Republic of Moldova
is still under the wieght of historical events (1812, 1940, 1944) that provoked
the society’s resistence to any ideological change initiated on the part of the
political powers; the political powers, in order to legitimate new realities,
appeal to the historical past and historical images, giving new meanings and
“historical explanations” to the historical monuments or inventing others anew.
In the
middle of the 20th century, Cluj-Napoca (northwestern Romania) was a
multiethnic and multireligious city. Despite the fact that after World War II
the communist authorities initiated an aggressive policy of urbanisation, which
contributed to diminishing the city's multicultural character, the centre's
buildings erected in the 18th and the 19th century were preserved. My paper
deals with the representations of the inhabitants of the city of Cluj-Napoca of
the central public spaces, especially the central plazas. Cluj-Napoca's central
public spaces represent the target of changing into “Romanian places” managed
by a nationalist mayor (elected in February 1992 and remaining in office until
July 2004). The monuments illustrating events or characters important to
Romanian history were erected, Romanian flags were hung in the boulevards and
in the central plazas, the benches and garbage bins were painted in the
Romanian national colors, in the city's centre archaeological studies were done
to prove the antiquity of the Romanian people as compared to Hungarians. My
particular interest is in the manner in which the different social categories –
Hungarians, Romanians, Greek-Catholics, Roman-Catholics, Greek-Orthodox,
inhabitants of the city, politicians, specialists in urbanism, economic agents
or clergy – think, design and build these spaces. What do all these official
initiatives mean for them? Do they recognise themselves in these or not? Did
they participate in these accomplishments or did they oppose them?
According to George Stocking Jr. there are two
very different ways of “doing” anthropology. There is, first, the classical
Anglo-Saxon tradition of “empire building anthropology” (“proper” anthropology)
and then the more “German” tradition of “nation building anthropology”, a kind
of diffuse ethnology. Völkerkunde
versus Volkskunde. Of course the
relationships between these two different anthropological traditions are quite
complicated, the oppositions being counterbalanced by filiations.
A very interesting context for dialogue between
the two fields (and also for a lot of misunderstandings and lost opportunities)
is provided by the anthropology of Europe. The anthropological approach on
European societies begins unavoidably with the study of „traditional societies”
in Europe. The dichotomy between traditional/modern, which appeared to be set
outside, in a well-structured social division of scientific work, explodes in
the very core of anthropology and of European identity.
The so called “rural problem“ in Romanian
sociological and ethnological tradition, the dichotomy rural-urban, highly
emotional and ideological in Romania since it attracts other dichotomies like
Romanian-stranger, culture-civilisation etc. appears, through “proper”
anthropological lenses, in a quite different context. Tradition(s) and
modernity(ies) have very different meanings and emotional underpinnings as seen
from these different points of view. The mutual destruction of modernisation
theories and nostalgic-ruralist ideologies in Southeastern Europe has opened up
the field for a more sophisticated anthropology, less dependent on a Gemeinschaft/ Gesellschaft divide (the common root of both concurrent
approaches).
Current anthropological research on the phenomena
of everyday life, especially research linked with 'urban life', has identified
HIV/AIDS as a basic, primarily, and most essential question in the contexts of
social and medical issues. The very first impression is that HIV/AIDS is
exclusively a problem of urban life, an impression that is the result of small
communities' perceptions as 'rural
life', where HIV/AIDS has been considered very distant, as almost not existing
in their own reality. That is, of course, in opposition to reality; it is
''potential' problem for everyone, not depending on the character of the
community, but on the flow of precise and prompt information. The research
shows that from the very beginning, the definition of HIV/AIDS problems in
human interpersonal networks has been totally stereotyped as only an 'urban
problem', or an 'illness of urban life''.
For the purposes of this analysis, ethnographic
materials from two youth projects were studied. The projects were implemented
in Macedonia and funded by UNICEF. Systematising the ethnographic materials
according to age, socio-economic, educational and other indicators about the
young people in the projects, one can see the results and directions for the
further discussion of the cultural models among young people, and at the same time,
sex/gender implications about HIV/AIDS, about the levels of information on
these questions. As a result, the answers for HIV/AIDS questions usually are,
just, reflections on almost constant sex/gender relations characteristic for
cultural patterns in Macedonia.
It was supposed that the weaving tradition was
going to disappear in Serbia in the second part of the 20th century. However,
the fact is that weaving has become very popular and highly esteemed at the end
of the 20th century. The number of active weavers in Belgrade alone exceeds 600
with tendency rising. The assumption is that such cultural phenomena are
related to the social, demographic and economic changes in the war and in the
post-war period in Serbia (1991-2004). In the times of crisis in impoverished,
ruralised cities with a new demographic profile (settled by war refugees),
there simultaneously appeared and evolved two different kinds of weaving
associations. The first one, which represents the main subject of this paper,
derived from creative textile workshops, intended primarily for the women
refugees of former Yugoslav Republics, organised as nongovernmental, nonprofit,
humanitarian organisations. The main goals of the weaving workshops were to
provide psychological support, social care and economic reinforcement for the
refugees. The second, citizens’ weaving associations, assembled domestic,
educated and impoverished urban women. Research on the origins and
development of refugee associations is based on a survey of the coordinators of
the weaving associations and a survey of available documents, exhibition
catalogues, and newspaper and journal articles, interviews with the weavers and
personal participation and observation.
The aim of the research is to determine
characteristics and qualities of contemporary, urban weaving as well as to
present refugee weavers’ incorporation in urban cultural life. Selling their
handmade products in the most popular tourist spots and souvenir shops,
participating in cultural events and exhibitions, these women have succeeded in
transforming a mere survival product into one of the main symbols of the cities
they reside in.
Based on original fieldwork among Gypsies in
Serbia, this paper explores how migration to the city and adaptations to urban
life affect Gypsy socialisation. To indicate what is common among Gypsies in
general and how Gypsy urbaneness varies in relation to history, demography,
socio-economic position and culture, we discuss two settlements, one urban and
one rural. First, the city
settlement: it is located on the outskirts of Belgrade, and represents a
“typical” city Gypsy settlement. Two groups are self-identified: Ashkali Egyptians and White Gypsies both
claiming they are “natives” of Belgrade. In spite of the relative proximity and
access to the city-life, these Gypsies have little contact with Serbs or the
outside world, except when they sell wood, or receive humanitarian help; they
keep to themselves and marry within the settlement. Their “urbanisation” is
kept to a minimum. The second settlement,
inhabited by Gurbeti Gypsies, is located in Macva, in the countryside to the
west of Belgrade. During Tito’s regime, many Gypsy villagers left for Austria,
only to return to the village for holidays and special occasions. In this
sense, the village is a typical gastarbeiter
village: many Gypsies returned home to build two and three story houses, with
excessive decorations and modern architecture; their settlement became more of
a country-town-type than a typical Macva village, and the inhabitants adopted
many norms of an urban-lifestyle, in behaviour, dress and attitudes. However,
like their city settlement-fellows, they remained mostly endogamous. We argue
that Gypsy social isolation, to some extent, is self-imposed through the
acceptance of their traditions.
Based on institutional resources, in the city of
Elbasan almost 2622 Roma live among the 87787 inhabitants of Elbasan. These
communities are settled in three main, well distinguished areas: in the centre
of the city, in the periphery and extreme periphery. These three Roma
communities reveal strong differences in their tribal origin, period of
settlements, social structure and organisation, standard of living, way of
conducting trade, level of education etc. The varicolored Roma culture has been
introducing itself to Elbasan reality, while both realities have been subject
to continuous change and also to bilateral communication. This paper will deal
with the main changes in Roma life during three periods, before, during an
after the communist order, and examine how these changes have been influencing
the communication between Roma and other communities in Elbasan. I will also
present aspects of Roma and non-Roma mentalities and how these mentalities, in
combination with the above mentioned changes, have become factors in setting
and maintaining communication and reciprocal acceptance. What are the bases of
negative or positive stereotypes and the reactions towards them [possible
identification or self-closure] and what is the role of the institutions and
facilitators [NGOs, service offers, policy makers] in improving the
co-existence of these communities?
The main issue of this paper is to present how
different architectural approaches faced the problem of creating specific
identities of two major religious groups in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, the
Orthodox and the Catholic, by focusing on two grand projects, one for the new
Orthodox cathedral of St. Sava and another for the Franciscan Catholic church
of St. Anthony. Both built in Belgrade - capital of the Kingdom - during the
1930s, each of them found a source for architectural articulation in the
medieval Byzantine legacy. However, their specific architectural forms provided
two quite different answers to the question of using the same historical
references in modern architectural production. By doing so, they emphasised the
specificities of religious affiliation, the Orthodox and the Catholic, of two
major groups that existed in Yugoslavia during the period between the world
wars and manifested their existence in the capital city.
The architectural forms of the new
Belgrade cathedral dedicated to the first Serbian archbishop St. Sava were
precisely defined in the competition announced for its design in 1927. It was
supposed to be a copy of Gracanica, one of the most appreciated Serbian
medieval monastic churches. Almost all architects that took part in the
competition, including Aleksandar Deroko, who was finally given the commission,
respected this requirement. On the other hand, the architectof St. Anthony, the
Slovene Joze Plecnik, had no restrictions when he was invited to design a
monastic church for the Franciscan order in Belgrade. Thus, the specific
requirements of the commissioners played an important role in the creation of
specific visual identities of these two churches, for which both architects
found their inspiration in the Byzantine building tradition.
This paper examines the relationship between space
and ethnic tension in the town of Kumanovo. Situated near the borders with
Serbia and Kosovo, this ethnically-mixed town embodies a social dynamic central
to nationalism in contemporary Macedonia, namely the re-articulation of class
and ethnicity materialised in commodities and transformation of space. I will
analyse how ethnic Albanians and ethnic Macedonians have negotiated different
class and ethnic positions since the 1991-independence of the country, and how
this negotiation is represented in space. Class mobility of many Albanians, who
actively participate in the market economy by opening private businesses based
on financial support from the strong Albanian diaspora, has altered the social
distance between Albanians and Macedonians. The urban space in Kumanovo is
completely transformed by new and richly-decorated houses built by Albanians.
Expensive cars, furniture, clothes, cell phones and other conspicuous
commodities have become inseparable components of the urban landscape of the
town. Macedonians, albeit glorifying the independence of Macedonia, cannot
easily adjust to the new reversal of class privileges. The abrupt
reconfiguration of the social distance between Macedonians and Albanians has
caused difficulties for Macedonians to accept the proximity that Albanians have
reached in terms of physical, but especially social space. Since 1991 the
political-economic transformations have changed the ways in which Albanians
have “emerged” in the domain of the visible. Both ethnicities consume identical
Western commodities that erase visible differences between Albanians and
Macedonians, making the two ethnicities ontologically similar.
My paper will be based on field research in four
Bulgarian cities near borders: two in the north on the Danube (Vidin, Russe),
two in the south near Greece and Turkey (Gotze Delchev, Kurdjali). I was
interested in the changing subjective perceptions of four different border
situations, especially new transport and checkpoint arrangements, suitcase
trade, trans-border projects, seasonal work and identity constructions that go
with them. In the new, multiperspective territoriality, symbolic borders seem
to outlive the administrative ones. Nevertheless, new power-relations are
gradually being established between the national centre and distant provincial
cities.
The objectives of the
research are both general and specific. Even though these two levels are hard
to separate, due to their dependence on the cultural context of the city
square, the research is expected to show:
At the general level
an understanding of the phenomenon of the city square, as forming a theoretical
basis for understanding historical principles and actions. Mainly it is related
to the relationship between the function and form of the city square in
specific cultural contexts.
At the specific level
the direction of the transformation of the city square through determining
planning, designing and reconstruction processes on the basis of the previously
defined methodology. Mainly it is related to the transformation of experience
into codes, which will represent a formula for the next step related to the
specific conditions of the location.
The practical value of
this research is in the fact that city squares in Southeastern European cities
have todate not been studied enough. The lack of representative examples of
city squares in Balkan cities is certainly the most important reason for poor
interest in this subject. As in all cultures, the Southeastern European region
has characteristics which make it specific. This research will try to answer
the question of whether the specific conditions of the Balkan squares can be
solved through previously set formulas, and what the possibilities and
restrictions that influence these formulas are.
Every city can be considered a text in which
social and political reality may be read and understood. This reality opens up
to a reader in almost every aspect of the city life: in its urban and
demographic structure, in the form and use of the space (centre, suburbia,
streets, places, parks, theatres, music halls, government buildings, sport
halls and arenas, restaurants, libraries etc.), in the organisation of time in
daily routines and on special occasions, in traffic, ecological status,
aesthetic qualities, atmosphere and many other things. Belgrade, the capital of
Serbia and Montenegro presents in all the mentioned aspects a text where the
dynamism of the social, economic and cultural transition from the socialist
period, through the authoritarian and war period of the 1990s to the present is
expressed in very obvious ways. The shift of political power from a
one-party-system to pluralist one, economic sanctions, war, bombing, the rise
of corruption, great number of immigrants, corruption, impoverishment of the
middle class and the rise of the new rich class, explosion of the rural in the
urban cultural tissue, political struggle between «two Serbias», among other
things, left its mark on all aspects of life in Belgrade. The dynamism of these
deep structural changes, being very fast and often abrupt, provoked by the
struggle for power, both, «symbolic» and economic, created a disorganised,
chaotic urban structure.
This disorganisation is read, in the obvious way,
in the construction and reconstructions of the symbolically prestigious
quarters of the city, in the way streets and buildings look, in the living
culture, in the places of entertainment etc. All these spaces have an
imaginary, symbolic value to the newcomer, to the new urban population, and
this very value contributes decisively to the choices of spaces to be
conquered, as well as to their appearance. The conquering of urban space means
a change in the identity of the newcomers, and this new identity provides the
means to offer a picture of an imaginary reality, parallel to the real reality.
This also means a creation of new cultural standards that are offered as the
norms, or goals to be attained. The disorganised, chaotic urban structure and
life, the «real reality» stands in a strong opposition to the imaginary one,
being a constructed but necessary «habitus» for the new urban classes and their
rise to social and economic power.
The paper will show what are the principles of
the construction of the imaginary reality are by analysing the ways the spaces
of the city are used, formed and transformed. It will point out the tension
between the imaginary and real as a product of the above mentioned social and
political changes and processes.
The 1950s and 1960s, a period of growing prosperity
in post-war Europe, were decades of social, economic and cultural
transformation in Croatia, then part of socialist Yugoslavia. The processes of
industrialisation and urbanisation continued at a rapid pace and changed the
habits of both old and new urban populations. The set of changes enabled the
creation of practices of a mass consumer society. Since the state policy
followed the common European goal of providing better living standards and
well-being for all, it also accepted the idea of creating happy citisens by turning
them into consumers and tourists. The development of mass tourism was perceived
as part of a socialist social revolution, as one of the key indicators of
living standards, as a field of both social and commercial interest, and as an
aid to nation building. Modernisation thus made cities grow, but it also
allowed city-dwellers to get away on weekends, public holidays and vacations.
The socialist tourism system, consisting of holiday centres and a large set of
subsidies, offered the cheapest holiday making solution. Much effort was put
into the creation of the need for travelling, and new habits soon acquired the
meaning of a status symbol. In the summer the Adriatic beaches were the most
popular getaway, and as such the source of both enthusiasm and frustration.
Travelling abroad and the international tourist image of the coast enhanced
additionally Croatia's modernisation and consumerism drive.
This paper explores a case of urban or
landscape design that is geographically external to the region of Southeastern
Europe. It is based on an essay written in 1999, entitled The Balkanisation of Brabant. Comments of a Balkan specialist on
MVRDV's 'Brabant-city 2050, which commented on the long-term and visionary
proposals for redesigning the Dutch province Brabant put forward by one the
best known young Dutch architects Winy Maas, co-founder of the Rotterdam-based
firm MVRDV. What makes this case interesting, and relevant for the sake of
reflection and comparison, is that Maas used the term ‘Balkanisation’ to
describe the core of his proposal: recreating contrast and difference in a
landscape that is “losing its identity” and is becoming boringly homogenised
—as it is being urbanised — very similar to the non-place urban realms of some American cities. It was his
unexpectedly positive (but also rather uncritical) use of the term
Balkanisation that, in the middle of the Kosovo war, made the provincial
authorities of Brabant decide to commission an essay by a Balkan specialist. In
this paper I will revisit the issues I dealt with in the essay, but now in a
changed context of Dutch cities falling prey, one could argue, to forms of
‘Balkanisation’, i.e. fragmentation, spatial segregation, ethnic polarisation,
and political violence (cf. the assassinations of politician Pim Fortuyn and
film-maker Theo van Gogh). In this paper, I would like to take up the opportunity
to compare the situation of Dutch cities such as Rotterdam, which have become
ethnically extremely heterogenous, with that of major cities in the former
Yugoslavia such as Belgrade or Prishtina, which have gone through processes of
ethnic homogenisation.
The paper is a case study of a small and isolated
urban community in Romania, were urbanisation and ruralisation trends coexist.
Originally a village, the small town developed around the main employer of the
region: a mine. After the restructuring of the mining sector, the function of
the mine as the main employer has not been compensated and thus the population
had to find strategies to survive, other than employment locally. One result
was the out-migration of the population to other places where they were able to
find employment: other cities or, more frequently, other countries. Another
result was the ruralisation of the activities: people (re)turned to
agriculture, especially subsistence agriculture. At the same time, pressure for
urbanisation is very important: there are financing opportunities for making
infrastructure more “urban” and, although the local government tried to reverse
the decision about declaring the locality a town, in order to be eligible for
appropriate funding, the request was rejected, on the grounds that as an EU
accession country, Romania has to fulfill different standards, including a
certain degree of urbanisation, be it artificial. The paper describes the
consequences of such an in-between status for the community and its members,
taking into account policies for urban and rural development respectively.
The aim of the paper is to point to the role of
television (mainly state owned and controlled) and ritual actions in creating
and distributing messages concerning important social and political events
during the 1990s. The main argument is that the urban street political protest
actions that were performed by the political and social opponents of the ruling
regime, mainly in Belgrade streets and squares, were a logical outcome of the
regime’s media policy, and closely dependent on it. The aim of that policy was
to silence the opposing voices and make them invisible, but also to avoid
speaking about events that might threaten the image of the ruling regime as
tolerant, peaceful and patriotic, the examples of which were information on war
crimes, and devastations of Vukovar, Dubrovnik and Sarajevo. Political protests
and ritual actions have created a space where these issues could safely be
spoken out, thus creating an emerging public countersphere. Instead of
considering media and rituals as separated forms of communication, it will be
shown how in particular social and political contexts in Serbia during the
1990s, television and rituals have reached a point of mutual constitution and
articulation.
This paper will focus on the Women in Black vigil that took place in
the Republic Square, downtown
Belgrade on July 10th 2004 commemorating the ninth year of the 1995
massacre in Srebrenica. On that day, approximately sixty women gathered at the
heart of the city holding banners in memory of the victims, reminding the
people passing by of what most of them would rather forget – the events in
Srebrenica, the war crimes, the victims, the perpetrators and the price of war.
But that day in the main Square, there were others who thought these voices had
no right to exist. As the protesters gathered, some were attacked and beaten by
an angry crowd – a crowd that stayed and observed the silent vigil by cursing
and yelling, offending the women and mocking their message.
In 2004, now that the wars are over, those in
Belgrade who argued strongly against the wars along the 1990s are still
struggling. The struggle is now different. Will events like the massacre in
Srebrenica be included in the collective memory as it is being created? Or will
such events be obliterated? Will there be any space at all for this memory or
its acknowledgement?
In my presentation, I will examine these
questions by looking at the event that day in the Republic Square as an illustration of the struggle between those
voices wanting to remind, and those insisting not to allow that memory to exist
in the public sphere. Based on Stanley Cohen’s ‘States of Denial’ I will
analyse Women in Black’s message as
part of a current dynamic in Serbian society, as taking place in the main
square at the heart of Belgrade’s urban centre.
Second-hand book stands or kiosks are quite a
common presence in the centre of Bucharest (Romania), especially in the
University area. People buy used volumes for several reasons: accessible price,
access to older academic bibliographies, passion for reading (an inheritance of
the years previous to 1989, when books were one of the few means of
entertainment). One can also connect the tradition of reading and treasuring
old books to the model set for the Romanians by the great writers and scholars
of the 19th century.
Book traders and their customers have built up
a community revolving around the acts of promoting and selecting reading. The
display of books on a stand, posting information, negotiating prices or
initiating the search for a “rare find” are some elements that help us to
identify a group tradition of the
second-hand book people. The anthropological approach enriches the
understanding of such a book-interested merchant-buyer community by studying
aspects such as “commerce” superstitions, oral promotion strategies, food ways
of street sellers, group and personal reactions to daily routines etc.
At the same time, by analysing individual and
collective practices founded in the commerce with used books, the
anthropologist gets the opportunity to interpret one meaningful section of the
puzzling process of defining self in the contemporary city.
The aim of this paper is to capture the current
conceptualisation of family through the materiality of vernacular architecture
in the post-socialist transition. By applying ethnographic approaches, this
paper thus investigates post-socialist everyday life in the southern Albanian
city of Gjirokastër. The old part of the city has been protected as one of two ‘Museum
Towns’ under state designation since socialist times because of its magnificent
built environment of late Ottoman vernacular architecture. During the course of
the collapse of the socialist regime, however, the sense for heritage
preservation was lost in the confusion and the preserved area was transformed
through the building of modern constructions as a result of rapid urbanisation.
What are the conceptual motivations at stake for local people to neglect their
own heritage, but, in turn, to promote the construction of standardised and bland houses? Aside from obvious economic
reasons, this paper will examine the reasons behind the construction of these
new houses through the penetration of morality and ethics of the concept of
family amongst Albanians, which have been culturally and socially embedded
through time and space over the different periods in its history: the Ottoman
Empire, the socialist regime and post-socialist transition. Each period seems
to have different motives to contribute to the construction of the current
conceptualisation of family. Thus, the questions, which will be discussed in
this paper include: What were these motives and how did they interconnect to
each other through different periods of time?
This paper discusses the role of the internet
in standardising urban and rural cultural models. Urban and rural residents
take part in a daily communication via the internet, which in turn, affects
their behaviour in their offline lives. These internet users pass on and
communicate different modes of thinking, shaped by constant communication with
people with other cultural models. By doing this, they achieve not only anopen
multicultural communication, but also a standardisation of thinking and
behaviour in rural and urban environments of the same cultural area.
The research employed classical ethnographic
methods widely used in internet-based studies of its effects on daily lives –
online and offline interviews. Furthermore, a rural-based control group, which
uses the internet on a daily basis, was especially monitored to determine not
only a possible change of attitudes, but also any changes in their real
behaviour.
The main assumption of this paper is that the
Asia Minor catastrophe created a new Modern Greek urbaneness and redefined the
national self-perception of Greeks.[1]
The Archives of the Oral Tradition (AOT) of the Centre for Asia Minor Studies
(CAMS) in Athens as well as autobiographical texts, like Stis Paranges, Historia mias zôis, by Vasilis Kalaïtzoglou[2]
are the major sources used.
After the destruction of the Orthodox presence
in Asia Minor in the aftermath of the Hellenic defeat in the Greek-Turkish war
1919-1922, and as a result of the international treaty between Kemalist Turkey
and vanquished Hellas that planned the compulsory exchange of Muslim
inhabitants of Greece (except those in Thrace), against the Greek-Orthodox
populations still settled in Turkey (with the exception of the Istanbul
community), a major flow of refugees spread all over Greece, reaching some 1.5
million persons.[3] The arrival
of such a human mass (a fifth to a fourth of the total Greek population once
the exchange was carried out) radically changed the two main cities: (a)
Athens-Piraeus, the capital, which became a major centre of urban proletarian
concentration, and (b) Thessalonica, the newly (in 1912) conquered northern
metropolis, ravaged by a fire in 1917, which was deprived of its Muslim inhabitants,[4]
and whose Jewish character was challenged by the national state.
The influx of Asia Minor refugees triggered the
hellenisation of the national territory in places once shaped by the Slavic or
Turkish presence. Athens and Thessalonica were extended by suburban
settlements: “And New Smyrna, New Ionia,
New Philadelphia, Aigaleô, Kaisariani, Peristeri, Nikaia, Korydallos,
Drapetsôna, Tavros, Alexandroupoli, Volos, Kilkis, Hirakleio of Crete were
born.”[5]
While outside ‘Hellenism’ would disappear, the Greek state had to accommodate
unexpected but lively and adaptable elements, about to alter its economy,
society and culture: “Generally speaking,
the settlement of refugees in Greece […] resulted in the transformation from a
static and belated society to a dynamic one, eager to make progress”.[6]
All these “Turkish seeds”[7]
were not welcome and dissatisfaction appeared, best expressed, for instance in
the rebetiko songs of the working-class refugees and in the literary works of
the literary generation of the 1930s and subsequent writers.
In my presentation I would like to reflect on
the experience of a series of fieldwork seminars carried out in different
cities in Southeastern Europe beginning in 1996 (Umag, Split/Zadar, Dubrovnik,
Kotor/Cetinje, Belgrade, Sarajevo). Selected approaches of dealing with the
specifics of urban spaces (and how these places are socially used) shall be
presented and some of their potentials and limits will be discussed.
A particular focus in my paper will be on the
dimension of time. Urban spaces are most often symbolically arranged according
to different historicalperiods. Historical meanings are of course transformed
over time. Nevertheless, historical and present meanings usually remain closely
interrelated. Together, they make up specific frameworks for the social use of
urban space. How should one deal with these historical “determinants” in urban
anthropology? What are the methodological consequences? Having this in mind,
this paper aims to offer some suggestions for the organisation of research
strategies.
Traveling
was important to people from Yugoslavia, because we could do it, while the
others in Eastern Europe could not...It was enough to go to Prague or Budapest
to feel superior.
Slavenka Drakulić, How We Survived Communism and Even
Laughed
During the course of my 18 months of fieldwork in
Serbia and Montenegro, my interview subjects almost inevitably turned our
conservations towards two “facts” about the country. The first was that neither
Serbia nor its citizens were “normal,” and that the further one went from the
main cities, the more abnormal people were. The second truism was that this
abnormality had been exacerbated by Serbia’s isolation in the 1990s, and
particularly by people’s inability to travel abroad after decades of doing so.
Based on data from these conversations, this paper will consider the
relationship between travel and discourses and experiences of normalcy in
Serbia as its cities went from cosmopolitan sites of culture, consumption, and
leisure, to pariahs within an ever-poorer region of Europe. I argue that these
two conversational truisms reveal key social categories and conditions through
which citizens of Serbia are framing political and social transformation in the
current moment. As such, the inability to travel is a critical social
phenomenon through which people make sense of Serbia’s recent history of
violence and international isolation, as well as imagine possible alternative
futures for the country. Furthermore, isolation has exacerbated tensions
between rural and urban status, such that normalcy has become increasingly tied
to one’s capacity to claim urban status in lieu of travel. Thus as the
possibilities for cosmopolitan citizenship have shrunk, the meaning of movement
among urban centres at home and abroad is increasingly linked to the production
of ‘normal’ political subjectivities.
The southern part of the city was the old city,
inhabited almost exclusively by Muslims. In the newer quarters of the city, the
Catholics were living in the eastern part and the Muslims in the western part.
The Catholics had much higher literacy rates than the Muslims, in one of the
Catholic quarters, 80 percent of adult men and 50 percent of adult women were
literate, while in one of the quarters of the old town, only 2 men out of a
population of 414 persons were literate. In two of the northern quarters more
than one third of the adult population was born outside of the city, while in
the quarter with the lowest literacy rate, more than 90 percent of the adult
population was born within the city. The Catholic monasteries were all situated
in the southeastern part of the city and the barracks of the Albanian military
and police were in the Catholic parts of the city. The quarters also differed
in household formation: In Qafa, almost 60 percent of the population were
living in joint or extended families while in Mahalla e ré, only 20 percent
were living in such households and 75 percent were living in nuclear families.
There were also marked differences in the occupational structure of the
quarters: In Mahalla e ré and Rusi i vogël (i katholikwe) more than half of the
population were living on the production of goods, while in some other quarters
it was less than 15 percent.
The paper deals with the post-socialist
constructions of urban identities represented in the field of popular culture
in Serbia. In many post-socialist societies, the urban/rural dichotomy plays a
significant role in the creation of group identities, which is particularly
manifest in forms of popular culture. My main argument is that the
post-socialist constructions of urban identities in popular culture in Serbia
have been created through two processes that are at work at the same time:
symbolic appropriations of rural cultural spheres and symbolic exclusions of
rural cultural identities. In addition, I argue that key aspects of the
urban/rural dichotomy in post-socialist Serbia have drastically deviated from
the urban/rural tensions represented in popular culture in socialist
Yugoslavia. The argument is supported by the examples taken from the movies and
popular music market from both socialist and post-socialist periods. By using a
method of discourse analysis of visual and textual contents of these examples,
I explore how the appropriations and exclusions of the rural, observed along
the lines of class, gender and sexuality, participate in the construction of
urban identities in post-socialist Serbia.
New Zagreb is part of the city built after
World War II, in particular between the 1960s and the 1980s. It was built to
accommodate approximately 120 000 people in ten new housing estates, each
planned for some 10 000 inhabitants. It was an extensive housing development
programme aimed at resolving housing deficiencies caused by rapid
industrialisation and increases in city population. People who moved in were of
very heterogeneous ethnic and regional origins.
Urban neighbourhoods in New Zagreb were planned
according to the precepts of modern architecture, as functional units with all
the necessary daily infrastructure (educational, commercial, medical, social
etc.), services and facilities within the residential community. Churches were
the only element in this otherwise well-equipped community that were
intentionally not planned. However, Church organisations found their way into
this modern and socialist part of the city.
The paper focuses on Catholic parishes founded
in new housing estates during the socialist period. Both the organisational
aspect and the everyday practice of religion will be presented and discussed
based on various materials (interviews, official documents, newspapers).
Religious communities within residential communities will be interpreted as a
tacit segment of socialist urban development with a significantly changed role
in local urban communities in post-socialist 1990s.
This paper focuses on the changes that have been
taking place in Gjirokastra, a southern Albanian town, since 1991. As many
other large and middle-sized towns in Albania, Gjirokastra has experienced two
phenomena. The first is the extensive and sudden urbanisation as a result of
massive internal migration of the rural population to towns, the second is the
radical change of towns' social composition – many 'old' inhabitants moved out to
other bigger cities throughout the country, mostly in Tirana, or abroad,
especially to neighbouring Greece.
The article intends to discuss some of the main
consequences on the organisation and functioning of the urban life following
the above mentioned changes. Attention will be focused on some central issues,
like the shaping of the public sphere, the modus
vivendi of “old” and “new” inhabitants, the mechanisms of preserving
identity among the 'old' inhabitants as opposed to the identity-building ones used
by the 'newcomers', and finally the emerging clear division of the urban space
between the 'old' and 'new' inhabitants.
The inquiry is based on direct observations,
conversations with both categories of inhabitants, and on personal experiences
as a native of Gjirokastra whose family still lives there. Several photographic
illustrations will also be included.
The geopolitical changes following the Berlin Congress 1878
resulted in a reorientation of urban development policies in the post-Ottoman
Balkan cities. Governments aimed at a re-establishment of cultural bonds and
developments with (Western) Europe, wherein cities like Vienna and Paris were
taken as immediate models. To fill the gap left by the absence of a local elite
trained in designing cities and buildings in the contemporary “European style”,
architects and planners from Austria-Hungary, Germany or France were invited to
become active between Sava and Bosporus.
The model of the compact Central European city
of the turn of the century, laid out on a grid plan, dominated by wider streets
lined with multi-storey mixed usage buildings took over. Consequently the
Historicisms (the “neo-styles”) entered the stage, replacing the traditional
housing forms, whereby the strict separation between čaršija (commercial district) and mahale (residential districts) original to the Ottoman town was
also abolished.
Falling into a period of national emancipation,
these processes coincided with the trend of creating ethnic distinctions in
architecture (“national styles”). Safeguarding of national identity was seen as
an artistic programme that should also be articulated architectonically. While
Athens had chosen the Antiquity, and therefore Classicism, as a point of
reference for its urban redesign, Serbs and Bulgarians sought their national
styles in the Byzantine art dominating their middle ages, whereupon polychrome,
tripartite façades and semicircular arches became common decorative features.
Sarajevo, on the other hand, witnessed the
introduction of a style often wrongly described as a style designed exclusively
for Bosnia: Orientalism, an eclectic mix of influences from the Muslim
architectures of Moorish Spain and North Africa (thereby purposefully
disregarding the Ottoman architectural output). As a misunderstood metaphor for
continuity of oriental architecture in Bosnia, this style was promoted by the
Habsburg officials, drafted to formulate a compromise (or reconciliation?)
between Orient and Occident reflected in the province’s history.
In Sarajevo, ironically, the same architects
that had come to Bosnia in their late twenties to accelerate the architectural
Europeanisation of the urban fabric later became the proponents of a
reorientation towards a vernacular style of construction. Shortly before WWI
they developed what they called the “Bosnian Style”, only later appreciated as
a further development of traditional Bosnian/Balkan architecture with elements
of the trendy Secession movement.
Like in every process of identity formation, which
needs the famous “other” from which a person or a group distinguish themselves,
the city dweller needs the villager as his or her “opposite”. In my case study
I will describe how in western Macedonia the images of the “self” and the
“other” constructed during socialism have recently been challenged and how the
line between the villager and the city dweller ‘threatens’ to blur.
In western Macedonia, Orthodox Christians who
left the villages during socialism establishing a new urban culture,
constructed the villager as a backward Muslim. In doing so they negated their
own background. In the village I am investigating, the general trend is
confirmed: Many Christian families moved to the town while a large share of the
Muslims stayed in the village, only sending its male population abroad to
ensure the existence of their families through labour migration.
The destinations of these labour migrants were
in many cases towns in Slovenia, Austria or Italy, making these villagers part
of urban migration in a transnational context. Their experience is reflected in
their clothing, lifestyle, architecture etc., challenging the above mentioned
image of the ‘backward Muslim villager’.
This paper examines the
intersection of gender with class and rural/urban identities among local police
officers dealing with domestic violence in the Bosnian town of Zenica. In
recent years, the police force has undergone UN and EU led reforms, a major
increase in the participation of women, and training by a local women’s
organisation in sensitivity towards gendered violence. While procedures and
legal frameworks have indeed improved significantly, gendered talk and joking
on the job among the police represents gendered violence as a fundamental
component of “Balkan” rural, “traditional,” and “primitive” masculinity:
domestic violence is perpetrated in villages and by men with “peasant
mentalities.” At the same time, however, many policemen re-appropriate the
popular stereotype of the police as primitive, macho “peasants,” boasting of
their physical and psychological power over women, while challenging their
colleagues’ masculinity as a function of the degree of power they have over
their wives. They denigrate each other as papučari,
or hen-pecked husbands. Styles of masculinity performance and expressed
attitudes about domestic violence are, however, different among the more
educated police detectives, who are seen as occupying a different (higher)
class position from those of uniformed officers. In this context, I examine how
conceptions of gender and gender hierarchies inform and construct identities
based on variations of the civilised/primitive, Balkan/Western, or urban/rural
dichotomy. The analysis is based on ethnographic research conducted among
women’s NGO activists and local police in Zenica, Bosnia-Herzegovina, from
1999-2000 and in the summer of 2004.
Globalisation of urban flows based on network transactions have a strong
impact on the changes of spatio-temporal organisation in cities as well as on
individuals and other city actors. Because of demands for global universality of spatio-temporal organisation,
a mechanism of maintaining of heterogeneity
of certain urban locations within the cities with respect to the other cities
is needed. The importance of cities in the industrial age was granted by
geographical centrality or exceptional physical
accessibility. However, in the postindustrial age the reflexive role of urban placeness has greater importance than just
instrumental spaceness. In this frame we establish the importance of
differentiation between the characteristics of instrumental urban spaceness and reflexive urban placeness. Reflexive role is not dependent solely
on geographical centrality or classical territorial conditions. Centrality as-such was, in the past, determined
concentration, relative permanence and inertia of localisations of flows in the
few existing "prime cities". The less the urban space carries only
the instrumental function of accessibility, the more diverse actors – urban
users (e.g. inhabitants, visitors,
investors, organisations) for whom spatio-temporal paths are more
flexible, become sensitive to the differences within and amongst the spaces.
City users reflexively judge the
difference amongst the places, the special content of the places, what their
symbolical and functional meaning, and what their value and purpose is.
Reflexive role is "acquired" through the abilities of a designing,
producing, adapting, and creating of elements of spatial distinctiveness with regard to other cities. We will
therefore try to explain the localisation
of global flows in contemporary cities through different kinds and forms of
physico-spatial localness, especially cultural, visual and economical-finacial.
Based on music and culture research among the
Roma – done in 2003 in the vicinity of Obrenovac and Belgrade (in the project
»Respecting diversity«) – the authors will show Roma musicians as a hidden
class within their own community and without it as well.
Several crucial issues will be highlighted:
1.
Influence
of urban culture on Roma music becomes visible on one hand in the usage of new
instruments and on the other hand in adoption of new genres. This practice can
be explained by the interesting phenomenon of particular denial of “Roma”
origins (attribution). Could Roma music be discussed both in terms of
authenticity and originality, and in terms of urban and rural in music? Within
this endless intertwining of constant and change lies the core of Roma music as
such: a phenomenon per se, and a part
of a wider context of urban popular music.
2.
Due to
the ever growing trend of world
music, the position of Roma music is rapidly changing. In the course of these
developments, Roma have acquired a different role in the Serbian urban music
scene as well (given the increased production of CDs with Roma music as part of
a global, multicultural music scene).
3.
What
are the causes of heterogeneity of Roma music (introduction of new genres of
popular music and the creation of new »hybrids«)?
4.
Is interpretation (i.e. »explanations and
interpretations that include the points of view and attitudes of their
authors«) a referent point in defining the Roma musical identity?
Pubs had a special importance in the public
sphere of the first Hungarian socialist city, Sztálinváros (Stalintown), founded in 1950. The migrants created in
them a distinctive social institution of their own that symbolised not only a
rejection of some of the cornerstones of official lifestyle but also an
acceptance of alternative public modes of sociability and solidarity. My paper
aims to serve as an introduction to the key transformations that have taken
place in the discourse on the different lifestyles in Sztálinváros. Specifically, it examines changes in the process of
construction of the different types of pub-goers, who were represented as the
folk devils of socialist city, and the role of official discourse in
constructing new social identities.
The official discourse suggested that
pub-culture was a countercultural phenomenon; official efforts were made to
stigmatise every unplanned and unofficial phenomenon. These efforts generated a
public debate about the pubs. In this debate, pubs and their customers were
represented as ‘non-urban’ and ‘non-socialist’ phenomena. The cultural
conflict involved in this new, ‘socialist’ urban adjustment can be shown by the
representations of the most notorious pub of Stalintown, called Késdobáló (‘The Knife-Thrower’) and by
the depictions of the Aranycsillag Hotel (‘Hotel Gold Star’), which was
opened at the same time the ‘The Knife-Thrower’ was closed, to urge the spread
of socialist lifestyle in the socialist town, and which later became a symbol
of the ‘petty bourgeois-lifestyle’
in Sztálinváros.
The historical and social study of every day life
in the Balkans pays special attention to the market and the piazza for hired
labour. The agricultural market is an urban area where the town and the village
meet; both the market and the piazza are places to exchange goods, services,
labour, cultural stereotypes and “urban” modes. These are also places for
public appearances.
This paper deals with the development of the
market and the piazza for hired labour in Sofia after Bulgarian independence
(1878) and during the first decades of the 20th century as a “channel” through
which new cultural stereotypes penetrate the “intimate world” of the
patriarchal village. The gender specifics of seasonal work are also discussed:
the construction labourer as a typical male role and being a servant as a
female one.
The market for agricultural products is not a
place for cultural exchange. The penetration of new behavioural models and
cultural stereotypes in the patriarchal village is primarily a result of men
and women’s seasonal migration to the rapidly developing towns. Since the
1920s, being a servant in a wealthy family became a crucial point in the life
of the girls coming from the mountainous regions surrounding Sofia (known as “Shopluk”).
The paper proposes a study of a highly
representative urban space: the supermarket, to be more specific, on entering
the supermarket. I will take into consideration three supermarkets in Bucharest
(Cora, Mall, Carrefour) all situated in semi-residential areas. These malls
provide very attractive urban spots, being representative for the urban
culture.
The paper will investigate the architectural
composition, the various cultural levels and the significace of their
articulation in reference to the mall entrance. The research will try to
demonstrate the irrational character of this architectural composition, as a
space addressing itself particularly to human affectivity. The elements that
make up the entrance are identity marks also used in other, very different
situations: the entrance to a space where an epiphany (or a hierophany) is to
happen; the entrance to a ceremonial space.
In traditional space, the gate is a very
important architectural object, being frequently represented and highly
evaluated. For example, the entrance to a church is representative for what
this research is trying to prove. The gate signifies a hiatus: it marks the
difference between secular, homogenous, linear time and sacred, real,
axiologically ladden time.
This is the explanation for the presence of
symbolic markers at the mall entrance: flags, columns, plazas, big doors,
guards, pseudo-monuments etc. During secular ceremonies the same symbolic
markers are used, underscoring the ceremonial nature of the event. In both
cases space is undergoing changes. These changes are more or less rational,
more or less appealing from an emotional point of view.
Describing and analysing the mall entrance and
the elements of which it is composed will substantiate the argument of this
paper. The organisation of that space is important as it tries to manipulate
and to influence the affectual part of the human mind. The entrance tries to
shock, to create a pseudo-ceremonial space, so that the „sacred” act of buying
can be pursued in a non-rational way.
The spiritual trip, performed as an individual
or in a procession, reshapes the environment according to a symbolic geography,
marked by special places related to miracles, encounters, relics etc. and by
personal memories. But the religious experiences represent only one of the
elements involved in the processes of revaluation the space, which acquires new
economical, social and political functions as well.
Our study concerns pilgrimages to relics stored
in churches in the urban environment (especially Iassy – St. Paraskeva,
Bucharest - The New St. Dumitru, Curteade Arges – St. Philophteia). Going
there, people also experience contact with the city (for some of them their
first visit to that city takes place with the occasion of pilgrimage), contacts
with old friends or with strangers coming from other places or even from other
countries. We are interested in finding out how pilgrims “see” and draw the map
of the city at the confluence of religious and non-religious impressions, what
they choose to take home as narratives or as objects and how the city prepares
itself to receive the pilgrims.
In the course of history, societies and their
physical conditions have changed much. In comparison to the previous centuries,
the 20th century was the most
dazzling in terms of social change. The 20th century has experienced
two world wars. According to the general rules of history, cities have also enjoyed this rapid change. Indeed, the 20th century witnessed an ongoing process of
urbanisation, which actually made a start some decades ago. Besides the general patterns or the main causes of
urbanisation, such as increasing population, better
employment opportunities or the attraction of the big city for various
reasons, each city also has its own internal dynamic and original history of
urbanisation.
Istanbul has also experienced an
immense transformation in the republican era and became one of the most
prominent metropolises of the world. With over ten million inhabitants,
Istanbul is the most populous city of the Balkans and the Near East. Just a
century has passed from the days it was inhabited by around a million people to
the present. In addition to its unique geographical position at the crossroads
of diverse cultures, or its cultural heritage comprising the remains of Roman,
Byzantine, and Ottoman empires, it is also noteworthy to discuss its history of
urbanisation during the post-Ottoman period, since this process not only
includes the general patterns of urbanisation, but also conceals some social
and political facts.
The nationalism
of the Kemalist era has imprinted itself on modern Turkey. Emphasising a shared
past and the desire to live together as the common denominators of the nation,
the Turkish state tended visibly to an official definition of the Turkish
nation and announced “the people of Turkey, regardless of religion and race,
are Turks as regards Turkish citizenship”. Immigration and resettlement
policies, or let us say Turkification policies, promoted by various governments
during the republican era are in coincidence with Istanbul’s social and
cultural history as well as its process of urbanisation. The post-Ottoman city
characterises a total social, cultural and ethnic discontinuity. Modern parts
of the city, which are supposed to reflect the Kemalist desire of
Westernisation, have been ridiculously re-settled by new communities
characterised by a Islamo-Turkish identity. To sum up, Istanbul has been
urbanised and Turkificated at the expense of its Christian and Jewish
communities. The recommendation of an internal report published by the 9th
Bureau (which is responsible for minority issues) of the one-party government
in the 1940s, is enough to explain the government’s tendency towards its
non-Muslim citizens. “On the 500th anniversary of the conquest of Istanbul by
the Ottoman forces, not one Greek should be left in the city.”
Focusing on the specific place of the suburban İstanbul Plajı (a place viewed
in its intimate relationship with modernisation and
the emergence of the suburbs), and trying to locate the role of architecture
(design and planning) in this historical process, the paper will try to
put forward an understanding of the present urban
condition by means of an ‘archaeology’ of the İstanbul Plajı. In studying the various ways in which
modern behaviours, lifestyles, symbols, structures and infrastructure have been
interfering with each other within the context of İstanbul plaj’s ecology, the ways architecture has operated as one of the conditions of emergence of the plaj discourse and its relative cultural practices will be
questioned.
Plaj
culture
is understood as a specific 20th century ‘bio-political’ phenomenon; a
discursive formation whose elements lie in the modernist categories of health,
class, sexuality, identity and progress. A whole series of new public rituals
(activities, styles and forms) have been developing within this context. In direct analogy to fashion
design’s difficulty in defining ‘what a swimsuit look like’, if not ‘what it
is’, architecture has been called to give an answer to an original question:
‘how does one design a plaj?’ New architectures
accompanying/motivating the ever-changing patterns of plaj culture (and life) have been radically effecting the
dispersion of the city. The architectural
questions did not come after the practices of plaj culture had already been
shaped, but together with them. Instead of a tool, the plaj could now operate
as a model/structure for the production of spaces where behaviours, forms and
symbols would not be predetermined according to a dictum but were fleeting and
in constant negotiation.
This paper presents a critical examination of
some classical research paradigms in the study of kinship in urban settings in
the light of the recent critique of anthropological theories of culture and
kinship. Within the ‘classic’ research paradigm, the study of kinship was
primarily and almost exclusively focused on the problems of social morphology,
that is, social and organisational aspects of kinship systems. This theoretical
position, which also dominated the study of kinship in the Balkans, put forward
a widespread view that certain social and cultural forms of kinship and family
life were to be seen as characteristic of ‘traditional’ and rural societies.
Their presence in modern societies and urban settings was then to be understood
as a residue of the past. Thus, "classic" kinship studies privileged
the domain of kinship and, as a consequence, separeted it from the totality of
social relations and cultural meanings.
The paradigm shift in the study of kinship, as well
as social, political, cultural and technological processes and changes that
characterise modern urban societies, puts on the agenda a new set of questions
that seem to be gaining increasing relevance. A move away was made from the
focus on social structure and organisation to an emphasis on cultural symbols
and meanings, social processes and human agency. Notions of social rules and
regulations are giving way to concepts, which redefine the topical focus in
terms of identity, gender, sexuality, self, power and performativity. The
stress is upon fluidity, ambiguity and multiplicity of meanings that
characterise local practices and personal experiences of everyday life in the
changing social world of urban settings.
The rural-to-urban population shift,
technology-driven changes in agricultural production, and related trends have
badly eroded the traditional symbiotic relationship between the urban and rural
realms. Many of today’s urban-rural linkages are unbalanced, unhealthy, and
ultimately unsustainable. This paper discusses a grassroots campaign in
Serbia’s Vojvodina Autonomous Province that is helping to restore and
strengthen symbiotic urban-rural relationships through a series of projects
employing socially and ecologically responsible concepts and practices. Led by
the Novi Sad-based Green Network of Vojvodina, a coalition of NGOs is
implementing several externally funded projects designed to protect
environmental resources, develop trails and related recreation facilities,
improve rural quality of life and reinvigorate the salas (small farm) approach
to food and fiber production. The “Moj Salas” project promotes organic food
production, brings green markets to the cities, and fosters the development of
salas-based agrotourism. The Via Pacis Pannoniae project enlists the
cooperation of many rural communities in Vojvodina and an adjoining area of
Croatia to create lengthy greenway loops with trails for hiking and bicycling.
These two projects benefit city residents by offering them healthier food
choices, re-connecting them with food producers and rural lifestyles, and
providing them with high-quality “getaway” recreational opportunities in the
countryside. Additional projects still in the conceptual stage will address
related needs.
Based on ethnographic fieldwork in Serbia,
Croatia and Bosnia, this paper revisits the specific social categories that
were created by, and in turn gave shape to, Yugoslavia's rapid and recent
urbanisation, investigating the reformulated everyday constructions of
urbanity/rurality that pervade post-Yugoslav post-war social reality.
The starting point is the understanding, shared
by wide layers of the not-so-recent urban populations, that the prime causes
for the conflicts and the material and symbolic losses of the 1990s are to be
found in rural primitivism. Inverting the nationalist tendency of projecting
national purity onto peasant existence, this alternative view sees rural purity
as backward and inherently prone to violence. Central to this urban
interpretation is the singling out of groups that I call 'frontline peasants',
who are considered key bearers of rural primitivism. Particularly those who
have moved to the cities in the 1990s are represented as latter-day 'peasant
urbanites', made recognisable through stereotypes such as their alleged
propensity to wear white socks. Crucially: incongruously
white socks. Perhaps stretching poetic licence to its limits, I deploy urban
meanings attached to those garments as condensed symbols of a discourse of
urban orientalist distinction.
The paper understands such everyday discourses
against the background of a domesticated modernisation paradigm as a struggle
over the cultural property of modernity. It investigates their functioning
amongst post-Yugoslav urbanites, who lament the experience of de-modernisation
in their own lives and reject the inauthentic modernisation represented to them
by white socks, resulting in a paradoxical nostalgia for modernity.
The following paper is founded on ethnological
research in the Slovene-Italian border region, precisely the Slovene city of
Nova Gorica, which was founded after the Paris Treaty (1947). The result of the
French demarcation line was that the centre of the city of Gorica/Gorizia and
its western suburbs remained in Italy while eastern suburbs and the majority of
its hinterland came under the jurisdiction of the state of Yugoslavia. The
Slovene population thus remained without an administrative, political and
culture centre.
TheYugoslav political solution was to build a
new centre on the border between the two countries. The importance of the new
city was the subject of many politically engaged speeches and Nova Gorica was
presented as a beacon that will protect Yugoslavs against the dangers of the
“reactionary West”, as a “symbol of the working people” and “an expression of
the brotherhood and unity of our nations”.
The author considers how political power and
influence can be seen through symbols and rituals. By erecting numerous
monuments and naming newly constructed streets in Nova Gorica, the local
political authorities tried to protect the idea of socialism and also
infiltrate it into the city’s tradition. Following an historical perspective
and by analysing the city’s monuments and street names the author, following
Bourdieu’s notions of naming places and their reconceptualisation, concludes
that symbols and (re)named places are one of the crucial aspects of a city’s
identity.
Photography is, without doubt, one of the most
powerful means of conveying the desired identity of a social, spatial or
geographical unit, be it a village, a city, a region, the whole country or even
a continent. Especially photographs made by local authors can inform us about
the way the locals want their city to be perceived. A photographer chooses both
its object and the way it is going to be pictured, in accordance with
theaesthetic criteria of a given period, but also in the way he or she wants to
present the photographed city.
Living in a city with an old university,
developed industry and a strong financial centre, Zagreb's citizens boasted a
Central European identity. This is evident in Zagreb's older photographs and
postcards: the majority of them show the city's elegant architecture, while
some of them present the nearby villages, its inhabitants, their national
costume and customs as an inherent part of the city's identity. While the
pre-WWII Zagreb was more or less free to enjoy this above all cultural image,
the post-WWII Zagreb has become a capital of a socialist republic,
"socialist" being the operative word. The new photographs of the
city, although always showing the older architecture and city's cultural
heritage, often have new motives: new part of town, called "New
Zagreb" with its numerous low-cost buildings, socialist monuments and
other symbols of the era. Finally, after 1990, new motives that show the city's
progress were shown to the tourists. Such developments in the motives used in
materials that were meant for broad tourist consumption show us not merely the
contemporary history of the city, but also the way its public identity was
shaped.
The common perception of European migration, fed by
the media, is of the massive population movement of East Europeans moving to
the West in search of economic security and jobs. But less attention is given
to a reverse flow of Westerners moving either temporarily or permanently to the
East. Yet this phenomenon is having (arguably) as significant an economic and
social impact on the local population as the migration of East Europeans is
having to the West. Fieldwork for this paper was conducted in the city of
Veliko Turnovo and looks at the growing property market in the town (a
phenomenon also strong in other parts of the country, especially near the Black
Sea). In Veliko Turnovo and surroundings it is predominantly the British who
are scrambling to buy up cheap properties. It is one way in which foreigners
are economically active in the country at the same time as a vast majority of
Bulgarian investors find themselves excluded by the ever increasing prices. The
social impact of the foreigners is another fascinating dimension as some seek
acceptance into the community by learning the language, while others choose to
restrict their contacts to other English speakers, so building a social
‘island’. On a broader scale, the presence of these Western migrants represents
a particular way in which Bulgaria is being drawn into ‘Europe’’; its sunny
climate and red wine giving it a reputation as a new, relatively cheap and
desirable location for British migrants no longer able to afford the more
traditional locations of Spain or Tuscany.
I want to take the hand of my beloved one –
whenever she appears – and stroll with her light-hearted in the centre of
Athens, go with her on a journey to my favourite Galaxidi. And I want our
mothers to know that we are there together, and be happy for us, because we
deserve it. (Letter sent to the Greek
Lesbian Magazine Madame Gou 1997, 5:
20)
Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork among lesbian
women in contemporary Greece, mainly in Athens, the aim of the proposed paper
is to discuss social inclusion and exclusion in urban society.
Being socially constructed, space is both gendered
and sexed, and both gender and sexuality are spaced. Space and place do matter
in the construction of sexualities, especially for homosexual people, for whom
space has been considered to be of significant importance. While extensive work
was initially done on the impact that gay and lesbian communities have on the
urban fabric on the neighbourhood level, another thread of research has
recently appeared which explores the hegemony of heterosexual social relations
in everyday environments, from housing and the workplace to shopping centres
and the street. Such research contests the old binaries:
homosexual–heterosexual, private–public, rural–urban, on
which past examination of sexuality and space was based and displays their
arbitrary character.
In the proposed paper I will focus on the uses
of space by lesbian women in an urban environment, placing emphasis on the
material and the everyday, i.e. how genders and sexualities are lived out in
particular places and spaces, while avoiding drawing on given dichotomies.
This paper will present observations on how a
local myth, created during the period of modern Bulgarian nation-building in
the second half of the 19th century, continues to develop and be
“proven” in the town of Zlatograd in the 21st century. In the
post-communist era, the folk song based on this myth has become recognised
nationally and globally. Urban anthropology involves the study of the cultural
systems of cities as well as the linkages of cities to other places and populations,
both smaller and larger, as part of the world-wide urban system (Kemper 1996).[8]
This paper will show how this local myth creates visible and stable networks,
across a broad local region, nationally and across international borders.
Zlatograd is in the southern
Rhodope Mountains, near Bulgaria’s southern border with Greece. It is the
oldest town in the mountain range. Its population is religiously mixed,
including both Bulgarian Orthodox Christians and Bulgarian Muslims. Due to
various factors, the local population’s strategy to maintain the delicate
balance between Christians and Muslims is explicitly dominated by the ideology
of Bulgarians’ ethnic origins.
In the first part of the
paper, both religious groups will be presented in their respective historical,
cultural and socio-economic contexts. The second and larger part of the paper
will explore the ways the local folk song “Izlel ye Delyu Haydutin” [Delyu has
Become a Rebel] has been used over the last 100 years to support Bulgarian
ideology in the region, and now froms the core of a new nation-building
strategy. The paper points to the role of a particular city as a model of the
"Great Tradition" as opposed to the "Little Tradition" of
local villages (Robert Redfield 1947).[9]
In the process of
researching this paper, a wide variety of sources were used, including written
materials, ethnological interviews, historical studies, novels and other
sources.
Urban anthropology has been transformed during the
last few decades by integrating perspectives from cultural geography, political
economy, urban sociology, and regional and city planning. An emphasis on
spatial relations, mass media, and consumption as well as urban planning and
design decision-making provides new insights into material, ideological, and
metaphorical aspects of the urban environment. Urban anthropologists apply a
variety of methodological approaches like urban ecology models, community,
family and network analyses, studies of the power of planning and architecture,
and political economic, representational and discursive models of the city.
Not accidently, this summary of
interdisciplinary approaches and applied methodologies of urban anthropology
does not contain history and historical methods. A historical anthropology of
the city practically does not exist. This statement holds true for the field of
urban anthropology in general as well as for urban anthropology in Southeastern
Europe in particular. Urban history follows its own path and only occasionally
meets questions of the urban anthropologist.
The conference paper attempts to explore what a
historical anthropology of the city may mean and contain; to explore the
advantages and limits of historicised anthropological questions; and to develop
an applicable framework of a historical anthropology of the city in
Southeastern Europe.
This paper will present the findings from a research
project that I am currently carrying out within the framework of the Visual
Seminar programme initiated by the Center for Advanced Studies in Sofia. The
project is about gazing at the city and understanding its culture and urban
development from the window of a bus as an alternative to the centralised
museumifying gaze upon the city. The basic theoretical assumption of the
project starts with seeing the city as human movement, as flows of people
moving daily from the city periphery to the city centre and vice versa.
Furthermore, the bus stop and the interior of the bus itself are seen as urban
spaces of intensive communication, where both the public and the private meet.
The ambition of the project is to create the thematic content and design for a
community-based heritage trail that runs along the route of an established
public bus line and interprets the local history, urban development and visual
culture of the city neighbourhoods. The selected bus line number 76 was
introduced in 1972. Its route starts from an outlying residential district,
crosses through the city centre, and ends in another residential district.
Interpretative panels will be installed at selected bus stops on the route. The
panels will not focus exclusively on the past but will reflect upon the issues
of the day. The city residents’ perspective will guide the interpretation and
representation of the city.
All foreign travellers who visited Tirana at
the beginning of the 20th century have described it as a town with a
clear oriental character, with many beautiful mosques with high minarets,
gardens and a central bazaar where the economic life of the city was
concentrated. After the proclamation of Tirana as the capital of the new
Albanian state, efforts were made to change this view, to westernise and modernise
the city and make it appropriate for its new function as capital. Several town
plans applied during the 1920s and 1930s changed almost completely the view of
Tirana and created new public spaces. The changes in the urban structure of the
city and rapid population growth primarily as a result of immigration from
other towns and villages were accompanied by changes in social life. Along with
the previous places that had served as meeting points for the local population,
such as mosques or public squares, other amenities built during these years
began to play an important role in everyday life. The aim of this paper is to
analyse how the growth of the town influenced social life, what role the new
inhabitants had in this process and what function the new buildings had as
meeting places. The increasing presence of women in public spaces will also be
considered.
In the last fifteen years, Albanian police have
undergone substantial changes aimed at transforming it from a militarised force
to a public service. One of the latest initiatives is community policing. The
idea is not new. It was used successfully during communism in Albania. Then it
was perceived as a means of social control. This time it is being reintroduced
as a mechanism for improving public safety.
Community policing implies close ties between
the police and the public. It also requires the existence of a consensus on
social norms and values. However, in the last fifteen years a redrawing of such
norms has taken place and much of the very fabric of Albanian society has
changed. It has thrown away most of social bonds that were imposed on it during
communism and has become fragmented. Freedom of movement has created internal
migration towards the cities, where in the absence of state structures, social
order is maintained though family and kinship ties. Such communities have
become hot spots of urban unrest.
Community policing requires the police to
tailor its objectives to the needs of the community it serves. This means that
the police ought to be aware of the specific needs of the community and enjoy
their trust, which still remains to be the case in Albania.
This paper will examine the shifting patterns
of policing in post-communist Albania and discuss whether the current trend to
introduce community policing is enough to win the public trust.
Tirana, as the capital of Albania, has become a
refuge for many immigrants from the country’s other regions looking for a
better life.
Albanian cities were founded in different
periods, a large part of them in the late Middle Ages. After these cities came
under Ottoman sovereignty, the process of islamising began. A characteristic of
this process was the retreat of the remaining Christians into fortress quarters
within these cities.
Tirana, as a city, belongs to a latter period.
It was founded in the beginning of the 17th century, when the
Ottoman Empire was at the hight of its economic, political and military power.
The population of villages of the region where Tirana was founded was already
islamised. As a result, Tirana was one of the cities with 100% of its
population being Muslim since the time the city was founded. This population
came from the villages around the city, having similar habits and traditions.
It was a religiously as well as ethnographically compact population.
After the destruction of Voskopoja, its inhabitants
of Wallach origin migrated to many Albanian cities, including the city of
Tirana. Even though there was no Orthodox Christian population in the city,
these immigrants were welcomed and provided a better refuge than in some other
cities where this population already existed. Within a short time, two Orthodox
Christian churches were built, including the one in the city centre, beside the
Old Bazaar.
In the middle of the 19th century
there were only six Catholic families in Tirana. In spite of this, in the year
1856, with the financial support of the Emperor Franz Joseph, a great Cathedral
was built in the middle of the city, on the Rruga e Kavajës, where it is still
to be found today. The inhabitants of Tirana agreed to this so as to provide a
place of worship for the Catholic merchants coming in the city, mainly on
Sundays. Later Tirana would become a refuge for refugees from Bosnia and Dibra.
The aim of this paper is to find deep in the
history of the city why violent clashes did not take place between the native
population and thousands of immigrants coming after World War II and after
1990. The reasons for this phenomenon are to be found in the religious and
regional tolerance characterising the inhabitants of this city.
The
paper will deal with the representations of what might be called the ‘rural
exodus’ in communist Bulgaria in the life stories of about 150 elderly persons
interviewed by teachers and students at the Department for History and Theory
of Culture, University of Sofia. The time frame is the socialist period and the
present. The interviewees tell about the reasons for their migrations and the
impact these have had on their careers and their lives. At the same time,
migrants have preserved strong ties with their native villages and in most
cases active exchange has been going on (aptly called ‘quasi-extended
household’ by Yulian Konstantinov). The analysis of the narrative material was
complemented by the experience of short fieldwork trips in four villages
between 1997 and 2000, which reveal the views of rural residents on this
phenomenon. My argument will demonstrate that rural-urban migration has been
considered as not only spatial mobility but in terms of social ascent as well.
Therefore, migration has become part of the ‘normal biography’, i.e. the
notions of what a good life should be like and what a successful life career
should imply. I hope to be able to reveal in the paper how an informal norm has
come into existence and how its rationale has changed in the past 10-15 years.
Five years after the NATO intervention in Serbia
and Montenegro, unreconstructed ruins of destroyed government buildings hit in
the air raids in Belgrade have become a part of the cityscape of Serbia’s
capital. In particular, the gutted concrete structures of the army and police
headquarters in one of the city’s busiest boulevards do not only represent
physical scars on the urban fabric, but their destruction is also a spatial
reference point for rethinking Serbian national identity in relation to the
national policy towards Kosovo and the West. This paper explores the
relationship between identity and space by investigating the renegotiation of
national identity in response to the meaning and symbolism read into and from
the physical structure of the city. Therefore, this paper contributes to the
growing literature exploring a mutually constitutive interrelationship between
identity and space. While the scholarship is mainly focused on the implications
of an active inscription of identity into the city, such as the erection of
national monuments or the renaming of city streets, this paper demonstrates
that the passive interpretation of space and its features is also informative,
contested and meaningful. In addition, the paper makes a methodological
contribution to the analysis of space and identity by focusing on the neglected
yet significant everyday lived experience of spatiality, thus going beyond the
official and recorded discourse. However, the latter will be taken into account
in order to offer a comparative perspective. Informed by a qualitative method,
the paper is based on semi-structured interviews with a university-age student
population.
The urban core of Belgrade has preserved
numerous courtyards, defined by small family houses that survived since the
early part of the 20th century. Courtyards of Vračar, the most
densely populated part of Belgrade, represent such oases in which premodern
residential forms of architecture and more traditional forms of social life
have survived until the present.
Taking into consideration that the complex
process of urbanisation influences the disappearance of such courtyard
“communities”, it is our wish to investigate their essential characteristics,
such as the spatial organisation and behaviour in them, as well as the types of
social relationships that exist between the courtyard residents. Special
attention will be paid to common gatherings and identification with this shared
space. The analysis will try to show how social relationships within the
courtyards influence their spatial organisation.
The significant rise in the number of kiosks in
the streets of Belgrade during the last decade of 20th century
inspired a series of urbanistic and, even more, political debates. An
anthropological approach to this problem starts with an overview of different
types of kiosks during the half-century of their existence. Transformations of
functions and ownership during the period of transition led to the emergence of
politically controversial attitudes, making the kiosk a problem for both
economic and political anthropology. In the economic sense, a kiosk is a
substitute for declining trade in socialism, while in the political sense they
unveil ideological patterns of particular political groups that are contrary to
those officially proclaimed.
The main aim of the research is to study
country house ownership in Bulgaria as a typical socialist “rural-urban”
phenomenon with contemporary dimensions. The culture of country house (“villa”) owners is viewed as a specific
mixture of rural and urban elements; as a kind of substitute and compensation
for the lost rural way of life for the peasant migrants to towns in the 1950s
to 1980s. The research is based on fieldwork (5 years of participant
observation in a country house hamlet Kori near the village of Rebrovo, western
Bulgaria). The factors for choosing a place for a country house are analysed.
The main motivation of the “new” citizens to buy a country house is found in
their strong affiliation to the land, to the cultivation of vegetables and
fruits, and to a way of life closer to nature. They are bearers of urban
lifestyles and their “urban” identity is undoubted. Their newly created
community functions as a “rural” or “traditional” society in many respects: the
town’s anonymity is lost – peoples’ behaviour is controlled by constant
gossips; collective parties resembling traditional working-bees were organised
in the socialist period etc. The opposition between the country house owners
and local people is also analysed. The latter are considered “villagers” – i.e.
second grade people. Concealed conflicts between the two groups and within each
one of them are clearly seen in a new local feast – a common sacrifice on the
20th of July (St. Elija’s Day) “invented” by a group of country
house owners in the last ten years.
The paper will explore representations of urban
life in contemporary Serbia in the field of popular culture, particularly in
popular music, music videos and cinema, and, conversely, how popular culture
influences the ways, habits and ''rituals'' in contemporary urban life in
Serbia. In order to do so, we will examine various examples, such as the
influence of urban criminal subcultures in the 1990s, known as ''Warrior
Chic''; turbo-folk and dance music, style and content of Serbian music videos
in the 1990s; the ''boomerang effect'' which the so-called ''pink culture'' and
its norms of sexual behaviour had on night life in Belgrade and other Serbian
cities; and the subculture of city cafes, including the fascinating phenomenon
of the so-called ''Silicon Valley'', the popular cafe area in central Belgrade;
representations and interpretations of the youth's ''minimal strategies'' of
rebellion and emotional and psychological survival within the urban millieu in
local Serbian urban cinema coming from the authors of a younger generation,
particularly in the films of Radivoje-Rasa Andric, which make a cinematic
trilogy including: ''Tri palme za dve bitange i ribicu'' (''Three palm-trees
for two vagabonds and a chick'', 1998), ''Munje'' (''Thunders!'', 2001) i ''Kad
porastem biću Kengur'' (''When I grow up I will become a kangaroo'',
2004). The paper will argue that the reality of urban life and culture in
contemporary Serbia (and elsewhere) strongly depends on constant negotiation
between media representations and role models, which create dominant paradigms
in society, and citizens' self-understanding within the social and political
processes that create their status and lifestyles. In this process, media
contents play a crucial role, shaping the reality of urban life and culture
today to an unprecedented degree, while Serbia is rapidly becoming a part of a
global media culture.
The aim of the research is to review and analyse
the relation between football events and their political symbolism from the
1980s until the end of the 1990s in Bulgaria. Sports (including football) and
their political dimension have been the object of numerous anthropological
interpretations, but the Bulgarian case adds new directions to the
interpretation of this problem area. The period is not randomly selected – it
includes the socialist period, when political activity was restricted by the
state and political party activity was not possible in the commonly accepted
(democratic) sense. The state authority transfered its control mechanisms and
organisational approaches to football as well, thus causing the antagonisms,
which are natural for any society, to be identified with different football
teams. The period also covers the 1990s – a period of acute political
confrontation, which is again extended into the football realm. It is an
established fact that football is often used for political purposes and people
related to football are often engaged within the confrontation in the political
sector.
Apart from political purposes, many football
symbols are loaded ideologically and nationalistically. Besides the extreme
rightist symbolism copied from Western European supporter groups, the extreme
fans demonstrate a specific Bulgarian nationalism including a negative attitude
towards minorities, which is also projected onto the football adversary.
The methods applied in the course of the
research are typical for social and cultural anthropology and include analysis
of oral accounts (included observation, interviews) and documented data, predominantly
from the period press (daily newspapers and specialised sport publications).
Additional and important information sources are Internet websites and typical
graffiti.
Anthropological places and
urban spaces are two of the major topics discussed in my paper dealing with
cultural life in Skopje from 1963, when an earthquake completely destroyed
urban life in Skopje, until today.
Unrealised urban exclusivity, which was the
leading idea in building the new Skopje after 1963, dislocated the
consciousness about the citizens’ space of urbanity, and provoked a growing nostalgia about places of the past.
At the same time (during the socialist period)
extensive migration processes (rural to urban) took place, and as a result a
kind of "rurbanity", which is not only characteristic for the
periphery of Skopje, but also for the areas around the city centre developed.
On this level we find a new mixture of rural and urban places and spaces.
Taking into consideration these themes of
contemporary urban culture in Skopje, we hope to pose relevant questions about
urban life and culture of contemporary citizens of this unique Southeast
European city.
La communication est le résultat d’une enquête menée auprès des habitants
de deux immeubles d’appartements d’un quartier de centre-ville de Giurgiu
(ville située à la frontière avec la Bulgarie), enquête qui fait partie d’une
recherche plus vaste, mise en place à l’aide du Conseil National de la
Recherche Scientifique du Ministère de l’Education et de la Recherche de
Roumanie et ayant pour objet une approche ethnologique des relations de
voisinage dans des localités urbaines du sud du pays.
L’auteur tente à déceler la vie de voisinage des résidents des immeubles en
question, situés face à face et construits aux années ‘80 du siècle dernier. A
part quelques familles ou personnes, plus individualistes ou plus occupées, les
habitants de cet espace de proximité résidentiel constituent une communauté: solidaire, fondée sur des relations très fortes
et solides, qui nous rappellent en quelque sorte d’anciens voisinages ruraux.
En dehors de la vie privée, les acteurs-voisins, dont un grand nombre de
personnes vivent seules ou qui, par manque de leurs conjoints ou de leurs
enfants partis au travail, restent seules beaucoup du temps pendant la journée,
de couples de retraités, de femmes divorcées à des enfants mineurs, ont une
réelle vie de voisinage. Elle ressemble à la vie d’une famille élargie. C’est
ce que sentent ces voisines. “Nous sommes une famille” disent ils. Les lieux de
rencontre et les formes de sociabilité et solidarité, directes ou indirectes,
traditionnelles ou modernes, souvent ritualisées (fêter ensemble les jours
anniversaires), maintiennent cette vie de voisinage.
This paper builds on my dissertation research
(archival and ethnographic), undertaken in Belgrade in 2002, on the negotiation
of monumental urban spaces during the political crises of the 1990s. Based on a
second leg of fieldwork that will be undertaken in Sarajevo in spring 2005,
this paper is part of a larger comparative project that will compare the
negotiation of memory and identity in these two cities through an investigation
of visual cultural artifacts such as key monuments and urban places, which pose
questions about how divided memories are negotiated in shared public spaces,
instances of memory that are beyond narrative treatments of the past. In this
paper, I am particularly interested in how the recent past of these two cities
is being marketed for international tourists interested in what Ugresic has
called “catastrophe tourism”. I will examine the tensions between place and
space, local and global processes of identity that are articulated in how
specific sites of (traumatic) memory (Nora’s “lieux de mémoires” ) are being
represented to tourists in these cities, and probe how this reflects
contemporary memory, particularly in contexts where it is deeply divided. I
will situate these issues in broader questions of how contemporary global
cultural processes are impacting the production of local place and memory.
The paper presents some preliminary findings
and hypotheses on the impact of kin and family networks on the provision of
child-care in the city of Zagreb 15 years after the end of socialism. It aims
at relating the impact of kinship on child-care to the tremedous changes in the
state social security system over the last two decades as well as to the
underlying values of obligations of reciprocal help between relatives.
In the first part, the paper explores the actual
existing helping relations among relatives, e.g. grandmothers who care for
children. In the second, it addresses the norms and expectations concerning the
family in regard to support in child-care, and examines the reasons why norms
and expectations might be different from real social relations. In this frame,
the paper focuses on discussion of the embeddedness of kin-provided child-care
by relating it to other child-care providers, such as the state but also
friends and neighbours, as well as by relating it to state family policy and
the general demographic, social and economic situation in Croatia. The paper is
based on empirical anthropological research in Zagreb (beginning early 2005)
and is part of a larger EU project on kinship and social security. Due to the
early stage of the project, the paper has a clearly explorative character.
How does the city deal with the question of remembering
and forgetting if its material substance is constantly changing? Does renewal
always compromise the memory of the past? What is the work of city
consciousness in dealing with “bad” memories?
Train stations are often sites where the
discussion about preservation and renewal finds immediate expression. The
abandoned Union Station in Detroit, for example, is hardly part of the material
of the city, it is, to use Simmel’s words, the “site of life from which life
has departed”. On the other hand, recent redevelopment projects are attempting
to transform train stations into “destinations of their own” by converting them
into suburban style malls with peripheral transportation functions. Trains
stations today are everything from deserted buildings or ruins, abandoned by
the city, to malls, transportation hubs, and even museums or memorials linked
to the collective memory of generations. The question, however, remains – what
is worth being preserved, what parts of the city should remain untouched by the
commercial interest and what should be reconstructed and transformed to serve
better the needs of the city dwellers. Where, in other words, lies the boundary
that will mark the necessity to preserve in order to remember with the urge to
redevelop in order to live more comfortably?
This paper will take the train station as an
occasion to explore how the tension between preservation and renewal, between
memory, forgetting and practicality, is solved in the city. Recent projects of
train station redevelopment in the cities of Toronto and Sofia will illustrate
the solutions generated by the city in a way that mirrors the collective
concerns, the character of the community and displays the operation of social
values.
Spectacle today has become one of the essential
phenomena of urban life and identity. Theoretically, the spectacle appears at
the same time as society itself and as part of society (Guy Debord). I analyse
music spectacles as cultural and ideological scenarios in the socialist and
post-socialist periods. The spectacle spaces in Belgrade are stadiums, halls,
squares and boulevards coded in temporal service to history. After World War
II, communist dogma, state cults and Titoist charisma were reflected in stadium
rallies and socialist performances. Beginning in the 1960s and 1970s, parallel
to populist ritual models, a rock sub-culture, and pop and newfolk culture
entered the field of megamusic happenings. At the beginning of the 1990s music
spectacles were stimulated by social and political antagonistic reality,
becoming part of the city drama: music resistance, music marketing for political
campaigns and megaconcerts for amusement and music nationalistic euphoria. The
historical background of popular music has been affected in ''popular'' and
''populist'' fields. On the one hand, there are the organisational orders of
political marketing, bureaucracy and financial transactions. On the other hand,
there are the music communitas interactions empathised by living-in-events.
Fragments between ritual experiences and ritual narratives are presented
through semantic order and hypertrophied and condensed symbols, which provide
the activities and behaviour for various levels of identification: we – public,
we – actors, we – participants, we – outsider/non-public, narrator(s) etc. This
ethnological research stresses complex urban divisions – lifestyles, music
genres, political strategies and scene movements.
The development of modern
urbanity in Southeastern Europe is generally described by the term rurbanisation. It hints, firstly, to the
slow development of urban infrastructure caused by belated industrialisation in
that part of Europe; secondly, rurbanisation is characterised by a relative
absence of urban lifestyle due to a weak process of social differentiation.
My presentation
deals with region-specific traits of urbanisation within Southeastern Europe
itself; I will compare the two towns of Veliki Beckerek (Zrenjanin) in the
Serbian, and Temesvar in the Romanian part of the Banat region. Until 1918,
they both belonged to the Habsburg Monarchy; during the inter-war period,
however, as parts of two separate states, they developed differently.
I will focus on
the formation of the working class, analysing this genuine urban stratum under
three aspects: (1) The urban structural conditions that shape proletarian
existence, such as the labour market, access to education, and housing. (2)
Given the workers’ peasant origins, the influence of traditional ideas of the
city and life on their attitude towards urban life. (3) Urbanisation in
Southeastern Europe as a consequence of social differentiation as understood
within the context of the workers’ ethno-confessional origins.
The paper is a presentation of the results of a
research project called “Greeks in Bulgaria – cultural Interactions and
Identities”. We will focus on identity constructions and gender relations
between Greek and Bulgarian inhabitants of the towns along the southern Black
Sea coast. Long-time co-existence of both communities in this area has resulted
in the formation of a distinct local hybrid culture, different from “pure
Bulgarian” and “pure Greek” culture. The aim of this paper is to analyse gender
symbols and images as diacritical characteristics of cultural and ethnic
diversity; the variation of gender relations in the changing social and
political context; and their shifting construction after 1989 – from ethnic and
cultural into trans- and intercultural. Various qualitative and quantitative
methods are used – the paper is based on archival sources, autobiographical
narratives and interviews.
The key question of Serbian spatial planning is
urban development overspill and decentralisation. Growth control problems and
more balanced urban development have been European and overseas topics for
years. In choosing between urban concentration/compactness and decentralisation
of urban development, urban form has become a compromise – so-called
decentralised concentration. This problem is harder to solve in underdeveloped
economies and societies with broad gaps between urban and rural. The main
characteristics of demographic development in Serbia are that growth took place
primarily in peri-urban regions. The question is how different the quality of
life is in central and peripheral urban regions. This case study of the
medium/small urban centre Valjevo discusses this issue. Here the overall growth
has taken place in a peri-urban regions, along the main transport corridors and
on the “green field”, a location suitable for small and medium enterprises,
services and dwellings. The main problem is a lack of space utilisation control
and arrangement in such regions and a lack of resources for erecting technical
and social infrastructure in the peripheral areas. Spatial planning practice is
the solution for the renewal of central urban regions, but also for the
redesign of peripheral regions and their quality of life.
This paper discusses the doggedness of Orthodox
Christianity in a present-day Serbia. Although the existing Constitution
guarantees the separation of church and the state, the Serbian Orthodox Church
has significant influence on political and social issues. In fact, backed by
the top echelon of the government, prevailing Orthodox attitudes have acquired
the status of a national ideology, affecting in this way many spheres of public
life. Indeed, Church influence appears to be so profound and its authority so
unquestionable, that many analysts rightly claim that Serbia is increasingly
turning towards radical clericalism.
In this paper I examine Orthodox Crhristianity
as a national ideology in the public sphere. The main question posed is: what
is the impact of glorified principles, founded on traditional values of patriarchal-tribal
society, on collective identity among Belgrade youth? Based on research
conducted among senior students in two Belgrade schools, I was able to survey
ways in which a polarisation on a social plane reflects the moral choices of
these young people. A special segment of the paper is dedicated to the
collision of female identities: that taught in religious courses and other
forums for «getting close to the faith» on the one hand, and modern female
identity shaped in the secular context, on the other.
This discussion is on the contemporary role of
masks and disguising in urban
communities in Serbia. In traditional culture, masks and disguising were
involved in various customary processions throughout the year. The functions of
masking and disguising have been modified with time and acquired a new role in society although
their form is partially maintained. During the last decades of the 20th
century and at the beginning of the new millennium, investigations of these
phenomena reveal increased tendencies to disguise out of the context of
traditional practice. However, there are cases in which certain “traditional”
customary processions with masks take place “de novo”, particularly, during
religious holidays – the Christmas Caroling procession (Bethlehem’s) or masque
balls on Shrove Sunday and so forth.
Although masks and processions in which
disguised persons appear were never deeply grounded in Serbian traditional
culture, today they are increasingly present as communication tools in public
places. This is particularly obvious in the urban environments of Serbian
cities such as Leskovac, Ivanjica, Cacak, Krusevac, Novi Sad, Becej, Belgrade
and Pancevo and includes children’s and students’ mascarades and disguised
performances drawing public attention during sports events, fairs, and
political and other manifestations.
“Mask language” reveals a particular space of
action in the Serbian urban environment. What actually is going on is
communication with the public through the use of specific symbols and
specifically framed behavioural mechanism provided by the mask as the
conductive medium for transferring messages, both to a targeted or a wider
population.
Urbanisation is by all means one of
the most crucial processes of modern history and modernisation itself. As such,
it is also a major topic in all kinds of arts. The focus of this article is to
follow two interconnected, but contrasted myths that followed urbanisation in
modern Serbian culture. The first is the myth of the Serbian village as a “Lost
Paradise” of ‘pure’ people deeply connected to nature and a ‘real’ national
tradition. Of course, this myth derived from the general European experience
dating back to romanticism and Rousseau. The other, opposite myth is the myth
of ‘urbanity” as the only valuable cultural quality. Especially in the 1990s,
to be “urban” became the obsessive concern of ‘pro-European’ and ‘anti-regime’
artists, journalists, scholars, etc. From that perspective, all political
mistakes and misdeeds (including war crimes) were too easily attributed to the
rural newcomers to the cities. Both ends of this dichotomy have influenced
strongly literature and (in recent times) visual media production. What are the
“ideal types” that represented each of these two myths? What are the
characteristic literature and film narratives for both of them? This paper will
try to open this field of research.
Urban areas in Serbia faced high levels of
in-migration after World War I and especially after World War II, when many
peasants moved to nearby or distant cities or towns. These so called ”former
peasants“ brought with them many elements of the rural way of thinking,
including ideas on the economy as a whole and economic aspects of everyday
life. On the other hand, after World War II, new communist authorities were
forcing specific legal changes regulating private property and entrepreneurial
activities. The socialist system therefore had a strong impact on economic
life, on the level of the entire state but also on the level of the individual
and the household.
Within the framework of rural way of thinking
and, later, in the context of the socialist economic and property system, and
with the influence of other factors too, a specific form of economic thinking
and behaviour was developed in Serbian towns and cities, termed “rurban
economy”. This rurban economy appears on the level of everyday life, the
individual and the household and contains no direct link with industry. This is
the economy of small private enterprises too.
The phenomenon of the rurban economy is
discussed in the paper, factors that influenced it, and the influence of the
rurban economy itself. Efforts are made to explain the economic behaviour of
urban populations in Serbia, particularly on the level of the household and the
small enterprise. Explanations will mainly be within the framework of the decision-making
process in the economic sphere. Discussion is based on data collected in
Belgrade, Valjevo and Jagodina, and related papers in economic anthropology.
Significant improvements in communication and
transport during the 19th century led to unprecedented urbanisation
worldwide. These same improvements, however also contributed to the rise of
nationalism: as Karl Deutsch noted, nationalism requires communication
networks. One consequence of this is that nationalist organisations tended to
appear in cities. In the ethnographic patchwork of Eastern Europe, however,
several nationalist movements frequently emerged in towns dominated by other
nationalities. This paper examines two non-Slavic cities, Budapest and
Thessaloniki, as seats of Slavic nationalism.
Budapest hosted several Slavic national
organisations, notably the Serbian Matica
Srpska and the Slovak Matica
Slovanských Národov Uhersku, even though the population of the town was
primarily German and Hungarian. Thessaloniki hosted rival Bulgarian and
Macedonian nationalist organisations, notably IMRO and the Revoliutsiono bratstvo despite having a majority Greek-Jewish
population and a Turkish elite. These Slavic movements had their origin in
educational institutions, particularly the University of Buda and the Exarchate
Boys’ Gymnasium in Thessaloniki. These successes on non-Slavic territory
suggest that Slavic patriotic organisations needed proximity to merchant
patrons and intellectual life more than a Slavic environment.
Furthermore, this multi-ethnic urban
environment brought problems of inter-ethnic conflict and cooperation to the
foreground. While some patriots desired to claim multi-ethnic cities for their
own group, several others sought to give their nationalism a “multi-ethnic
flavour,” emphasising love for a multi-ethnic homeland. This paper examines the
multi-ethnic urban environment of 19th century Slavic nationalism,
and links this environment to the often-overlooked multi-ethnic themes within
Balkan and East European nationalism.
With its liberation from German occupation in the
fall of 1944, Belgrade became the capital of a new socialist society in
Yugoslavia and quickly thereafter the symbolic and practical centre of the
Yugoslav socialist “third way.” This paper will explore the rejuvenation of the
capital city after the ravages of a brutal attack and occupation, paying
particular attention to strategies – such as architecture, sculpture, and place
names – used by Tito’s government to rebuild and refashion Belgrade as a
vibrant and appropriate capital for the socialist nation as well as an
attractive and respected symbol for Yugoslavia on the international stage.
Using guidebooks, pamphlets, and other tourist marketing materials aimed at
both Yugoslavs and foreigners during the post-war period, this paper will
analyse the rhetorical and visual narratives being produced about the new
socialist capital and will particularly examine the subtle directives tourists
were given about the proper way to experience the resurrected city. This paper
represents a small part of a larger project aimed at analysing the many ways in
which the Yugoslav socialist government tapped into tourism and tourism
marketing in its attempts to fashion socialist space and socialist citizens in
the post-war period.
Vama-Veche and 2 Mai are two villages on the
Romanian-Bulgarian border by the Black Sea coast, each enjoying a very good
reputation as an underground intellectual resort during communism. Their sudden
reputation was due to the migration of the pre-war artistic elites from Kaliakra,
around the Queen’s palace, to 2 Mai after the war. With post-communism, a
strong “civic” movement (“Save Vama Veche”) emerged, aiming to create an
“intellectual reservation” and thus preserve the “true” spirit of the resort.
Nouveau riches and teenagers alike invested symbolically in the same space.
Hybrid patterns of behaviour and symbolic usages of the space thus emerged,
turning the resort into a postmodern “Erlebnisraum”. The paper aims to identify
the main social and symbolic practices of that space, their continuities and
splits as well as their positioning in a market-oriented kind of tourism.
This paper examines trust, social networks and
economic development in the city of Sofia, Bulgaria. Trust has become an
important focus of inquiry across the social sciences, but despite the growing
body of literature on the importance of trust for economic development,
research on trust and the economy in Central and Eastern Europe has been
limited. The first part of the paper presents the main theoretical argument of
the paper: we contend, against the popular arguments of several writers, that
trust cannot be understood except in the context of institutional development,
economic interest and power relations. The second part of the paper is a
critical review of the existing research on trust and social capital in Central
and Eastern Europe and its relevance to the Balkan context. We examine the
debates about the absence of a generalised morality in the Balkans as a matter
of culture or a result of the weaknesses of the formal institutional framework.
The third part of the paper is an ethnographic exploration of the concerns and
responses of Bulgarian advertising businesses, situated in the capital city, to
the new conditions associated with economic reforms and globalisation. We
examine the uneven transformations of advertising companies in Sofia depending
on institutional innovation, from reliance on personalised relationships or
'selective' trust to reliance upon abstract principles and professional codes.
We are the strange privileged, non-privileged
witnesses of non-witnesses. It seemed to me that we have a duty to act as
reverberators by writing the history of this century’s pain and sorrow.
Cixous, 1998:36
In the past few years ‘the theatre of everyday life’,
‘the theatre of war’, ‘the theatre of sorrow, betray, loss, love and death’ has
been the focus of my research and part of my lived experience. Being the
witness of the political turbulence in post Cold War Europe, my paper discusses
the implication of daily politics on performance practice.
Place and Memory introduces the political atmosphere
in Belgrade, seen as a place of political, site specific and street performance
practices. It juxtaposes my personal experience in relation to the place, as a
diary of political and personal events. It also juxtaposes my experience of
real and metaphoric exile with Cixous’ concept of exile transferred as the
force for ‘writing the body’ and écriture féminine.
The presentation introduces the short electronic piece Ex Ponto 2000, created in the course of
this research. The electronic piece is created using the PORT interactive
system, originally developed for the Institute of New Technology Performance
Research, University of Surrey as the collaborative work of the programmer and
artist.
This paper will attempt to illuminate some of
cultural transformations that took place in the main cities of the Kingdom of
SCS. It is the result of research in archival materials, newspapers and other
publications of that time. The paper discusses social conditions and changes in
Skopje, Sarajevo, Ljubljana, Novi Sad, and, moreover, deals with the everyday
preoccupations of citizens and the impact of cultural transformation on their
lives, especially among the urban populations of Belgrade and Zagreb. The first
part of study concentrates on broader European economic and social conditions
emerging during and after the First World War, and the reflection of these
circumstances in the life experience of the urban populations of Yugoslavia.
The second part of the study deals with the large number of specific cultural
and technical innovations and tries to estimate their contribution to the
modernisation of interwar Yugoslav society. While the first part of study is
strictly analytical, the second section focuses more on describing particular
phenomena and individual human experience of it.
The topic of this paper is the genesis and
structural characteristics of informal urbanisation in big cities in Serbia
during last decade of the 20thcentury, as well as its spatial and
cultural effects. This was a period of extremely intensive economic, social and
political crisis. The paper aims to identify main factors that provoked the
creation of large areas of informal and illegal settlement, mostly in urban
peripheral zones. These settlements were produced spontaneously, due to the
lack of housing, without or even despite urban regulations.
The paper hypothesises that the described
process is the result of two parallel influences: informal social policy of an
undemocratic state in a transitional period, and free market urban resources,
which ignore or confront urban regulations.
The third component of this phenomenon is specific
design of these settlements. Construction and style had no basis in any
previous urban tradition or context and architects rarely designed them.
Instead, they reflect a popular perception of suitable housing.
In the second part of the paper typological,
functional and aesthetic characteristics of this, so called “wild architecture”
are discussed as a group of informal cultural urbanisation codes, which are
presented by architecture as a medium.
In this work the rise and development of the
Serbian civic community as an urban "class" is considered in the
course of a century, on the basis of acquired historical knowledge. Contrary to
the Western European civic community (or middle class), the Serbian civic
community did not rise in the struggle with aristocracy and nobility, as these
did not exist at the time. Its origin and development was due to the uprisings
against the Ottoman Empire, leading to a national liberation process, the
beginnings of the modern Serbian state of the Western type, changes in the
ethnic and religious characteristics of the city population (emigration of the
Turks), development of the cities, industrialisation and modernisation. In the
few cities, the Serbian civic community (merely 7% in 1834, 14% in 1900, 16% in
1931) represented a thin social stratum, was pretty underdeveloped and mostly
connected with the state. Education and knowledge represented the most
important characteristics of the Serbian civic community. It was the way to
spread civic community culture patterns. Compared to the rest of society
characterised by agricultural structures and low literacy rates (20% in 1900,
45% in 1921), education and knowledge were themselves a privilege and an
advantage, representing the possibility for social advancement and change of
social status. Besides education and wealth, the status of the civic community
was reflected in investing in education of children (especially the female
population), developing different type of social ties, introducing the “urban
book shelf” as material proof of educational status, clothing style, leisure
time and social events. The World Wars influenced the reduction both the
biological and material resources of the civic community, but the victory of
the Communist, political and ideological opponents of the civic community, in
the Second World War resulted in its complete dispersal.
The paper examines the discursive shaping of
ideas of urban life in the time of accelerating modernisation and urbanisation in
Serbia. My hypothesis is that literature played an important role in these
processes by introducing the representation of the city and urban lifestyle
into Serbia's rural culture. This representation was created by the observation
of city life in the urban centres of Western and Northern Europe. I shall focus
on Miloš Crnjanski's travelogues published in the interwar period. As a
diplomat and journalist, Crnjanski travelled extensively throughout France,
Germany, Italy and Spain, and published a number of travelogues in which the
idea of the city had a prominent place. I will also take into account two of
his most important fictional works: Kod
Hiperborejaca, sometimes classified as a travelogue, and Roman o Londonu, which is quite
explicitly a novel about a city.
The "socialist
city" of Belgrade appears as a highly stratified contact zone as well as
an agglomeration of regional, national and European cultures under the specific
conditions of a "closed society". My paper explores the process of
urban transformation in the 1960s, a time of multiple cultural changes in
Yugoslavia. It deals with the question of what effects the implementation of a
socialist urbanism from above and counter-currents from within the society had
on Belgrade's cityscape. Urbanity is not planable and consists of various patterns
of behaviour. Moreover, citizens have to be willing to act differently in
public than in private space. Belgrade was a centre of a dynamic and complex
transformation process where different concepts of metropolitan life coincided.
One the one hand, Belgrade was supposed to be shaped as a representative
nucleus of the Yugoslav "new society". On the other hand, however,
several cultural approaches and subcultures – provoked by a temporary
liberalisation of the system – developed in society. Belgrade was moulded by
the first post-war generation. Within this generation, the urban population
with its Western-influenced way of life blended with an extraordinarily huge
number of immigrants from the country whose rural behaviour remained
exceedingly stable. Using methods of cultural history, the paper will discuss
the ways in which this heterogeneous population of Belgrade took possession of
their city in order to constitute an urban consciousness and a metropolitan
cultural identity against the background of a forced ideological city planning.
The main objective of our research is to
understand the motivations and interactions of people who go to a certain
category of clubs: electronic music clubs. As we analyse this club culture as a
subculture phenomenon, we are particularly interested in group relationships
and social interaction.
Some characteristics not necessarily causally
linked but definitely connected include a specific music – electronic, techno; drug
(or alcohol) consumption is often involved; and the look – these “trendy” people behave and dress in a certain way.
The actual locations of this network
are not only clubs but other kind of space (such as rented or private houses)
as well and main characters (dj-s,
artists, journalists, etc.) that usually organise, manage or even generate the
events of this network.
The most visible background of the phenomenon,
or the issue that ties all the other, would be electronic music. The type of
music that is being played in a club has a major role in gathering the
clientele. But the importance of electronic music as such for the network that
it eventually generates might be marginal: it is more than “trendy” people
being primarily interested in this music (the same people were listening to
disco or rock some years ago), it is about a whole lifestyle.
The city is a stage and a home at the same time; a home, possessed by
subcultures, and a stage, on which actions take place. In my interpretation I
understand the postmodern theoretical approach of the city and the
interpretation of the city as a liminal and stage-like space. Furthermore I
also understand interpretation of the networks of these spaces as an imaginary
map. I will show the possibilities of the intertextual interpretation of city
cultures.
One can say that liminal spaces represent inversity: subcultural space
instead of home, mainly night instead of day, spaces of recreation instead of a
working environment. The territories of subcultures, which are invisible during
the day, are part of the city. These spaces emerge in the lives of subcultures
and become narratives. But these are different from the liminality of Turner:
after completing these rituals and actions, the individuals return to the same
structures and norms, which they have left before. And the city neutralises
these spaces for a while again.
The subculturally preferred spaces (and times) can be considered stages,
like the (urban) paths connecting these special parts of space. Subcultural
symbols and values can be represented and the differences between cultural
tribes manifested. The open spaces of the city are meeting places and serve the
possible introduction of individuals and groups – to those, who seek such
introductions.
These theatres have people who do the makeup, props and dressing-rooms –
the legitimating, tolerating, and hiding power of the inhabitants, if it was
acceptable to the dominant power; but if not, than it can be discriminating,
excluding.
On the stage and around it, representation comes forth, the acquirement
of poses and gestures – cultural consumption, acceptation and rejection.
The stages and territories transform into narrative spaces, which
represent the mentality and space usage of a generation, while redefining
itself beyond the seemingly rigid frames of physical space. They break the
virtual space of the city with their rites, and thereby lay out in-group and
out-group communication, time and space. Meanwhile, the cultural tribes get in
touch with one another, dip into the dominant culture, or at least reflect upon
it, whereby a unique intertext evolves.
In the paper I set out to analyse the political
and cultural logics behind what Peter Fritzsche has aptly phrased in his
“reading” of Berlin (1996) as “the terms of mediation between city and text”.
In other words, I propose to unpack some of the more salient ideas and meanings
that can be associated with particular ways of constructing Belgrade as “a word
city” or image city in individual narratives, public debates and various forms
of artistic production emerging in Serbia during the 1980s and 1990s.
The development of contrasting representations
of Belgrade among fiercely competing circles of a rapidly growing
intelligentsia can be associated with the painful processes of state and nation
building, industrialisation, and urbanisation in Serbia. Differing ways of
imagining Belgrade supplied the core metaphors needed for the imagining of competing
forms of individual and national identities in a rapidly transforming society.
The metaphorical potential supplied by the only Serbian metropolis was perhaps
most effectively instrumentalised by the writer and essayist Vladimir Velmar-Janković,
who attempted to establish his vision of “the Belgrade man” as the only viable
alternative to the supposed decadency of a “transitional mentality” that was
spreading between the world wars. The paper examines the possible links between
recent and contemporary urban “discursive frameworks” and the positions that
were being upheld in Serbia in public debates during the second half of the 19th
century. I will then trace the phases of its reappearance during the 1980s and
1990s, and the intended and unintended political implications of two powerful
images of the great city – the demonical one that sees the city as the rapidly
growing cancer in the healthy, not yet fully urbanised tissue of Serbian
society, and the radically opposed one that pits the refined, cosmopolitan
urbanity of self-proclaimed “true” Belgraders against the supposed primitivism,
virulent nationalism, and sheer idiocy of their less urbanised small-town and
rural “compatriots”.
The city of Bolvadin, which is located in the west of Anatolia and on the Ancient Royal Road, is one of the oldest settlements in Anatolia. It reveals many different cultural and spatial traces of different civilizations from nearly 10,000 years. The historical centre, with its organic street patterns and architectural features, reflects traditional Turkish city characteristics. The buildings, which belong to different periods of history, make it possible to read the different layers of history in the urban space.
The development
process of the city of Bolvadin displays some of the special problems belonging
to it. The lack of an efficient planning mechanism that considers the
potentials and tendencies of the settlement, the industrial complexes located
on the periphery of the city and on agriculture land without contributing to
the economic life of the settlement and a low level of education and awareness
of history can be considered the most critical of these problems. All these
result in the destruction of the traditional patterns and a poor quality of
life in the city.
Traditional buildings and places maintain a balance with nature and society that has been developed over many generations. They enhance the quality of life and are a proper reflection of modern society.
A recent field of investigation, the restitution of private property represents an important aspect of the economic, political and social restructuring in post-totalitarian countries. Since the restitution of property is a major political issue (but an economic and social one as well) of the post communist era, an analysis of the different players involved in this process becomes imperative. Thus our research focuses on the processes associated with the formation and institutionalization of the most significant socio-political actors concerned.
Two interest groups constitute the object of our research: the Association of Owners Abusively Dispossessed by the State (AOADS) and the Association of Tenants in Nationalized Buildings (ATNB). While other foundations and associations founded in Bucharest since 1992 in defense of owners' rights (and tenants' rights, respectively) generally lasted only a short time, maintaining a weak organizational structure and mobilizing only a small number of members, the AOADS and the ANBT can boast a large membership, various local branches, and partnerships with several political parties, having imposed themselves as the sole legitimate representatives of owners and tenants.
The present study explores this "reconstruction of property" in post-communist Romania by investigating the "former" owners of the nationalized buildings and the present tenants (or the "new" owners) as two antagonistic interest groups. Focusing on the creation and on the organization of these two groups, as well as on their actions in the political, electoral and media environments, we show how they have ultimately been transformed into satellites of different political parties.
Traditional Albanian family and household
formation was based on the Balkan cultural pattern, a patriarchal pattern, and
this historical development resulted in an autonomous patrilineal kinship and
household structure that was unique in Europe. Albania and the Albanian people
entered the 20th century living in conditions based on this cultural
pattern.
At the beginning of the 20th
century, patriarchal ideology, which played an important role in the northern
highlands, was no longer a general phenomenon for the whole country and
especially not for urban settings. But with regard to the formal patriarchal
structures, the principle of patrilineality and patrilocality were still
constitutive for household formation. The “men-folk” dominated the life of the
family. Agnatic kin became the core of the complex household and wives were
married into it.
The paper will discuss the main characteristics
of family life in the city of Shkodra and draw a parallel between family life
in city and that of the whole country.
The paper will deal with historical and
ideological aspects of cremation. This way of dealing with deceased persons was
established in Serbia in 1964. The cremation movement was established long
before, in the middle of the 19th century, first in Western European
countries, and later in Serbia. The members of the highest Serbian intellectual
circles of that time were supporters of new ideas concerning cremation. Since
1964 the burning of the deceased was only possible in Belgrade where the only
crematorium existed. In 2004 a new crematorium was opened in Novi Sad, the
capital of Vojvodina Province. In this time (since the beginning of the 20th
century) the “Oganj” (“The Flame”) association advertised this model of dealing
with the dead. The association was established in 1934, thirty years before
cremation was allowed by law and the crematorium was built in the “New
Graveyard” in Belgrade. At the inception of cremation movement, ecology and
economic use of the environment were emphasised as the primary justification of
this idea; in the meantime it has become a specific atheistic ideology.
Cremation supporters’ contemplations over
death, posthumous life as well as customs that follow the send-off for
cremation will be included in the paper.
Timisoara is a cultural, religious, and
political centre of Serbian national minority in the Banat. It is also a
multicultural, multinational and multireligious town in which, since the 18th
century, different ethnic/national groups (Romanians, Serbs, Hungarians,
Germans and others) has been living together. Timisoara has also been an
attractive destination for rural emigrants, especially
after World War II. As a result, Timisoara has
been an environment in which complex
acculturation and assimilation processes have taken place for centuries, which has also influenced the Serbian community. A traditional, rural and patriarchal way of life
mixed with a Central European cultural pattern and the cultural influences of
other ethnic/national groups.
This paper examines the influence of complex processes of integration, acculturation
and assimilation on Serbian opinions and values regarding the preservation of
ethnic identity, as well as on the regulation of inter-group relations between
urban – rural, centre – periphery in the Serbian community in Timisoara. The
analysis is based on interviews and material from the Serbian weekly journal
"Naša reč" ("Our word").
Globalisation tacitly implies a general shift in
the relation of the spatial; the social as cultural phenomena has become
deterritorialised. Yet social scientists have continued to use the uncomfortable
‘urban-rural’ dichotomy as two distinctive categories. Their continuous usage
suggests a contingency in patterns and in the character of these social
phenomena. This article sets out to rethink this conceptualisation based on the
culturally embedded nature of human behaviour in both space and time and the
difficulties in delineating rigid subject boundaries today, unlike in the past.
I will use here empirical case data from social phenomena such as the
procurement and consumption of medicinal plant recipes in an urban setting,
‘dualistic’ religious inclination and urban agriculture to show that the
geographic, spatio-temporal conceptualisation of distinctive urban and rural
phenomena are problematic, especially at this point in time when culture and
place are suffering dislocation. I begin this intellectual endeavour by
attempting to uncouple the multiple embedded meanings and representations of
the concepts of “urban” and “rural” in both common discourse and within the
academy. Then follows an exposition of urban-rural networks to show the
untenability and fluidity of disparate geographic spaces and the existence of
‘multi-stranded’ social fields through rulership, education and development. I
further attempt to negotiate a theoretical and methodological
reconceptualisation of “urban-rural” phenomena by postulating the notions of
‘urban-ruralism’ and ‘rural-urbanism’ to capture these processes while
underlining the behavioural continuum/consistency.
This
paper examines the revival of local identity in the Croatian city of Split in
the broader context of restructuring of national states in Southeastern Europe
since 1990. After Yugoslavia’s collapse, the region of Dalmatia and its largest
town Split have become part of the new Croatian nation designed as a
centralised state by the Tudjman regime (1990-1999). The national capital
Zagreb and the ethnic diaspora communities embraced the new official
nationalism as opposed to regions such as Dalmatia and Istria, which “imagined”
a federated, polycentric Croatia with considerable regional autonomy. In Split,
ideological tensions broke out between the Adriatic coastal-insular “natives”
and rural settlers; the former sympathising with the new politics of
regionalism spreading from Western Europe, the latter defending the Tudjman
regime’s centralism. Dalmatian regionalism based in Split involved political
parties seeking greater regional autonomy and metropolitan self-rule. The
movement also commemorated a perspective on World War II that conflicted with
the new nation’s founding myths. In 1997-2005 Split celebrated the 1700th
anniversary of its foundation, thus competing with the young nation in “the
invention of tradition”. Yet the recent revival in the former Venetian colony
of Spalato-Split was above all a cultural movement that I compare with the
Venetian carnival. It emphasised the use of the dialect, local pop culture and
the world-famous athletic college, as well as the Dalmatian identity-name. It
satirised the national capital’s mentality, ridiculed the new ethnic
nationalist discourse and its carriers – the rural settlers. Yet, overall,
neither were relations of power and class structure in the new nation-state and
society altered nor seriously challenged.
The post-socialist period is one of change and
the urban setting might prove instrumental in research on socialisation and
specific patterns of behaviour. In this paper we narrow this large premise and
explore leisure time habits in pubs in the city of Constanta, Romania. The
emergence in this issue allowed us to come to know the city better in this
respect, to map the problem and to understand some specific interaction
patterns and specificities of leisure. Empirical data was gathered over several
months, namely between November 2003 and May 2004 in several self-titled ‘pubs’
in Constanta.
The initial hypothesis was that there is quite
a solid referent for a ‘pub’ and people interact and develop social relations
there in a certain way. The hypothesis needed nevertheless to be revised, since
a 'pub' turned out to be quite a vague concept, being circumstantially defined.
The whole concept of ‘pub’ was redefined based on the understanding of pub as
it functions in its homeland, the UK, and then some local sites were compared
against this model. This perspective turned out to be particularly useful and
provided insights on the local means of instrumentalising the pub.
The theoretical framework that became
articulated in our approach had as point of departure the phenomenology of
Alfred Schutz and Erving Goffman's interactions and roles in everyday life. We
tried to be aware of the situatedness of the research and of ourselves as
observers and interviewers, some of the ethnomethodological ideas helping us
become aware of our limits and our position within the inquiry. The concept of
‘habitus’ developed by Pierre Bourdieu in his work offered the lense through
which to look at the human landscape, as well as when approaching the different
tastes and arrangements of the sites. Last but not least the ‘hybridisation’
concept introduced by Homi Bhabha helped us get over the panic of not being
able to find a genuine pub in Constanta.
Urbanisation, as a visible feature of the socialist
changes in Southeastern Europe, especially in the period immediately after the
Second World War is also distinctive for Macedonia. The socialist period with
its industrialisation and modernisation produced obvious novelties, among them
migration from the village/town, which resulted in the rapid growth of the
cities, especially of Skopje, and the shrinking (or extinction) of villages.
Under such conditions, there surely was an interdependence between urban and
rural relationships, since the changes were not universal, but were realised
partially, and since the most intimate spheres of human life are the slowest to
change. Such conditions confirm the thesis that between settlements in some
regions there is a complex net of interdependences, and that the urban and
rural do not exist as standard patterns, but as mixed forms. Exactly these
migration families will be the subject of analysis, above all the function of
the kinship network as traditional mechanism in the process of adaptation into
the new environment and the modern tempo of life.
Generally speaking, it could be said that the
influence of the city is extensive among relatives that moved into the cities
and those that stayed in the villages, and that the influence of the city
culture, i.e. urbanisation and modernisation processes, is dominant.
Analogously, individual and personal initiative appears on the stage. However,
in the given circumstances, people apply models of their rural lifestyle if
they feel it is efficient, although in a modified version and in accordance
with the new needs of everyday life. The most recent transitional period, the
time of economic crisis, also show the appearance of alternative networks in
kinship relations. This is evidence that “tradition” is not static, but dynamic
and capable of change. Some specific parts of the tradition, although
forgotten, reappear on the surface at appropriate times.
This paper deals with the concrete case of the
city of Rijeka, a littoral Mediterranean city with quite an interesting past
and somewhat dull present. Rijeka seems as if trapped in a perpetual state of
“might have been, if only…” Following the distinction between space and place
outlined by Michel de Certeau (The
Practice of Everyday Life), where space is practiced place (it is like the
word when it is spoken, says Certeau), the city of Rijeka gives the impression
of the unspoken word – a place on the map that has not managed to develop into
an urban space. So much so, that some younger residents suspect that Rijeka is
not even a proper city.
Despite its geographical position, memories of
and desires for Rijeka somehow lag behind its potential. The city has a problem
with transforming itself from a potential urban space to an effective, fully
exploited urban space. The concepts of potential and effective environment,
proposed by Herbert Gans, help to distinguish between the physical place as the
arena for potential but not yet realised actions and the same place, now
becoming an urban space par excellence where this potential function is accepted
and realised by its users. This transformation in the case of Rijeka is limited
and the limitation is evident in the way the city functions in everyday life
and in the way its citizens judge their own city.
Kaffeehäuser, Wirtshäuser, Läden und Frisiersalons waren
und sind heute noch in Bulgarien – wie in den anderen Ländern
Südosteuropas – Orte des mündlichen Austausches von Neuigkeiten über lokale
Ereignisse und von wichtigen Informationen aus Tagespolitik, Wirtschaft und
Kultur. Im letzten Viertel des 19. Jahrhunderts wurden Zeitungen und
Zeitschriften zum Inventar dieser öffentlichen Räume. Hinzu kamen auch
Druckgraphiken, die auch den Leseunkundigen die Partizipation an den
politischen Debatten ermöglichten. Im Mittelpunkt des Referates stehen das
italienische Blatt „Il Papagallo“ (1873-1915), welches sich in Bulgarien große
Beliebtheit erfreute, und einige weitere heimische Blätter, die nach
italienischem Vorbild entstanden und zwischen 1892 und 1961 (überwiegend)
wöchentlich erschienen. Diese Blätter hießen z.B. „Östlicher Papagei“,
„Bulgarischer Papagei“, „Balkanpapagei“, „Weltpapagei“ oder einfach „Papagei“.
Sie waren alle Farbdrucke im Format ca. 60x40 cm, von der Komposition und vom
Inhalt politische Szenenkarikaturen, die durch Personifizierungen einzelner
Staaten aktuelle politische Entscheidungen, Ereignisse und Zustände bildlich
darstellten und kommentierten. Mein Interesse gilt der öffentlichen Verwendung
und Rezeption dieser Bilder. Anders als die Karikaturen der Wegwerftagespresse
wurden sie als Wandbilder verwendet. An die Wände öffentlicher Räume angeklebt,
sollten sie die Meinungsbildung der Öffentlichkeit gestalten (so die
intendierte Funktion) und lösten tatsächlich Diskussionen über politisch
relevante Themen aus. Somit entstand in den Städten eine neue Art vom Publikum
– jenes der Bildbetrachter und Bildkommentatoren.
Die meisten städtischen Bulgaren verbringen heute einen Großteil ihres
Alltags als Arbeiter oder Angestellte in einem Betrieb. Durch die regelmäßige
Zusammenarbeit in den Unternehmen bilden sich soziale Regeln und kulturelle
Formen heraus, welche aus ethnologischer Perspektive gut erforscht und
analysiert werden können. Außer den von der Organisation vorgeschriebenen
formellen Handlungsnormen wirken sehr oft auch ungeschriebene Regeln am
Arbeitsplatz, die man als Ergebnis des kulturellen Erbes und der Anwendung von
traditionellen Denkmustern und Handlungsweisen in der Arbeitswelt bezeichnen kann.
Die Organisation der Geschlechterverhältnisse spielt z.B. eine wichtige
Rolle beim Strukturieren der Arbeit in den Betrieben sowie bei der Bestimmung
der Inhalte. Im Prozess der Erfüllung von beruflichen Aufgaben sind oft die
Weitergabe und Aktualisierung von traditionellen Verhaltensweisen, die mit der
Zugehörigkeit zum einen oder anderen Geschlecht verbunden sind zu beobachten.
Im Vortrag wird die
geschlechterspezifische Arbeitsteilung in einer Gruppe bulgarischer Mitarbeiter
in einem internationalen Unternehmen in Sofia dargestellt, welche durch die
gegenwärtigen Auswirkungen von traditionellen Geschlechterrollen und
-verhältnisse in der Arbeitswelt zu erklären ist. Dabei wird untersucht, welche
Rolle die traditionellen Geschlechterstereotypen der Bulgaren für die
beruflichen Chancen im unternehmerischen Umfeld spielen. Es werden auch die mit
der jeweiligen Arbeit verbundenen geschlechterspezifischen Anforderungen für
Arbeitsergebnisse und für das Verhalten in der Arbeitswelt thematisiert.
Europeanisation of everyday life in Šabac
between the two World Wars represents a reality. Different parts of society
reacted differently to the process of modernisation. A part of the public
rejected with resignation all that came from the West, while the other part was
more open, looking for a better life and zealously accepting all achievements
of modernity, primarily in the field of everyday life. In the light of the
writing of “Šabački glasnik” (The Messenger of Šabac) and “Podrinski
vesnik” (The Herald of Podrinje), Šabac was represented as “the gates of the
West”, as town that, owing to its position, was under the influence of all that
comes to Balkans from the West. Achievements of Western civilisation are
accepted in the areas of announcements and advertising. Goods from the West and
products aimed at creating a nicer, easier and more comfortable way of life
flooded the shops of Šabac. Different forms of amusement attracted mainly
younger generations, while the older generation detestingly observed the youth
wallowing in “luxury and grandomania”. The favourite ways of spending leisure
time were visits to football games, different parties, cinema, and the beach,
often called “naughty beach”. Conservative part of the Šabac`s public thought
that these forms of leisure time “demoralise” the youth. European influences
were visible mainly in the field of fashion. Unconditional acceptance of
fashion coming from the West, were marked in the press as “being modish”.
The standardisation of the Serbian language,
initiated by Vuk Stefanović Karadžić, was strongly influenced by
proto-romanticist ideas about people's authentic nature and soul as expressed
in their vernaculars. In his efforts to establish the Serbian standard language
on a purely vernacular basis, Karadžić based the Serbian standard language
on his own Eastern Hercegovinan vernacular and considered any urban influences
as "spoiling" the authentic folk language.
During the century and a half since
Karadžić initiated his language reform, urban centres and urban
vernaculars have developed in Serbia, but practically none of the large urban
centres are in the area in which the vernacular chosen by Karadžić is
spoken. Moreover, in one of the biggest Serbian cities, Niš, the local
vernacular is significantly remote from the standards set by Karadžić. All
this caused the emergence of the spectrum of different and often conflicting
language ideologies of speakers of Serbian. The paper will focus on these
language ideologies and provide an analysis of non-linguists' beliefs about
language obtained from people coming from different cultural settings and
having different linguistic backgrounds. It will explore the potential of
ideological notions of "pure" and "spoiled" vernaculars as
well as the notion of linguistic "correctness" in the Serbian
context. The paper will also deal with functions of urban Serbian vernaculars
and symbolic values attached to them in an attempt to reveal the social
relevance of urban dialectology, a discipline which is largely neglected in
Southeastern Europe.
The paper looks into the emerging phenomenon of
single women, whose number is on the increase since the fall of Communism and
the end of the Balkan conflict. It is based on fieldwork conducted in Zagreb,
Croatia, in 2004.
Insights into the day-to-day life of
financially independent single women challenge a widely accepted notion that
women are shouldering the biggest burden of the transition period in
post-socialist countries. I will argue against the representation of women as
universal victims and non-actors. Self-imposed singlehood, which is becoming
common among economically independent women, shows that power can be expressed
in a variety of ways – by opting out of marriage and motherhood, women do not
comply with state population politics and thus exert a particular kind of
social power.
Singlehood, as a ‘liminal’ stage in a woman’s
life, has a deep influence on traditional kinship and gender structures.
Between being a daughter and being a wife, there emerges a new space offering
independence and social maturity, which is not defined by marriage and
procreation. Even though, ideologically, being a single woman in the Balkans
does not occupy a high social rung, a woman’s liminality gives her the power to
contest traditional social structures. I will argue that singlehood must be
looked at as a sign of socio-political change, inevitably transforming
traditional kinship relations, and that single women possess more social agency
than they are given credit for.
A century ago, Bucharest was famed as being the
“little Paris” – a proud label that recommended it as an attractive capital
city among the best-known cities in Europe. Today, after almost 50 years of
communism, Bucharest bears only few signs of its former glory; however, it
tries to keep pace with the latest European and global urban entertainment
“fashion” – the dance/electronic music scene.
The latest mixes, the latest DJs, small clubs
and big clubs, private or public parties, legal and illegal ones, drug use and
fashion habits – club goers in Bucharest have it all.
Taking as a starting point two theses
approaching extensively – from an anthropological point of view – the concept
and phenomenon of club culture[10],
our paper aims at defining the characteristics of what appears to be the
development of a (electro) club culture
in Bucharest.
Using a “clubbing map” as the methodological
concept, the research takes as a point of departure one of the most popular
clubs in Bucharest – the Web Club. From this electro centre the study follows[11]
individual and group “routes” towards other electro
events (i.e. parties, concerts) or places (i.e. clubs). The analysis refers
mainly to the shaping of individual clubbers’ lifestyles, to the acquiring of
clubbing habits and fashion and to the design and functioning of clubbers’
networks in Bucharest (for exchanging/finding information, drugs etc.).
Our society is experiencing several structural
changes since the information revolution. With the introduction of new
technologies in the 1870s, people became aware of its positive and negative
sides. Information society is not based on physical power, as was the
industrial society. Instead, the focus is on human, social and information
capital (Fountain, 2000).
Scholars started to study the diffusion of the
new technologies in the late 19th century. In that period mainly
anthropologists were interested in this process. In the first half of the 20th
century, the topic attracted also economist, and rural and medical
sociologists. In 1943 it was discovered that the diffusion of the new
technologies followed an s-curve distribution. Its shape is determined by
social contacts.
With the rapid diffusion of computers and the
internet into the workplace, home and schools, several changes have occurred.
Sociologists became aware of the digital divide, which represents the social
inclusion or exclusion of people on the basis of their social status. Younge
remployed men, living in urban societies are facilitated in experiencing the
new technologies (Attewell, 2001; Dolničar and others, 2002; European
Commission, 2003a).
In the last decades peasantry has
been forgotten and placed on the margins of the social life. Communist ideology
defined it as unprogressive and insensible for “modern streaming”. In
recognition of these claims, there was an unnatural (forced) exodus from rural
areas to city centres. There the people encountered uncertain employment, due
to still underdeveloped industrialisation. Micro movements created other,
mostly negative social relations. Under conditions of low-level opportunities
found in the city centres, an antagonism between “new comers” and citizens
appeared, especially on the psycho-cultural level.
In this atmosphere, peasants lose their
social “credentials,” throwing out rural characteristics and “possible”
retrograde traditionalism, and accept models inappropriate for their archetypal
existence. In that way they become subject to an unnatural unification, where
processes of acculturation is only partially realised, strengthening already
firm stereotypes. They need years of adaptation to the new cultural models. No
matter how strong the methods of social adjustment and cultural transformation
are, villagers cannot become equal in the cultural sense, with those who are
already accustomed to a certain way of life. These primary psychological
reasons hinder their vertical advancement, or more precisely, their aim to
acquire greater social power.
The paper will focus on the Albanian city of
Durres. Looking at the strategic position of this city throughout history, it
will discuss the significance of Balkan cities in the contemporary
geo-political situation. Since Roman times, Durres has been a gateway to
Eastern Europe and, later, a meeting point between the Christian West and the
Muslim East. New political projects targeting Eastern and Southeastern Europe
have singled out some Balkan cities as focal points for the development and
stability of the area. Durres, a key point of “Corridor Eight”, provides a
significant case study of the impact that “global political projects” are
having on the economic, political and cultural life of these cities and, more
generally, on the Balkan region.
In a Southeastern European urban
anthropology, the queuing up phenomenon has a definite place. This subject
deserves a complex study, which starts – first of all – from collective
representation and urban mentalities, especially those generated in the
communist period. Queuing up is an urban privilege and, for a long period of
time, we considered queuing up a communist invention that had to be eradicated.
In the 1980s, this ”activity” became permanent: the main purpose was to buy
food, which was rationed at that time. From a certain point of view, the urban
territory was much more marked by communist pathology, the “queue” having its
well-defined place.
Among other things, queuing up is
surely an aggression against leisure time. For the communists, especially, this
kind of aggression was a definite target. It is well-known that time reserves
create desires for liberty. A person that has time reads, takes initiative,
creates his own private space, and feels the need to join in something and to
communicate. On the other hand, queuing up stultifies, humiliates, oppresses,
and reduces a person to the lowest limit of existence. The individual is no
longer a human being but only a part in a tremendous wheel, which crushes him;
it limits any initiative, reducing the individual to an obedient and unassuming
element.
This paper starts with the fact that today, it
is not possible to think about any single segment of everyday life without
meanings of the urban appearing as its underlying concept.
The recognition of this concept presupposes:
(a) that this is a matter of a quasi-theoretical construction; (b) that the
study of everyday life is an attempt to demystify the scientific point of view
of what people “see but do not notice;” (c) that it is possible to recognise
the way of life in a particular space by means of the study of everyday life;
and (d) that the contextual dimension of culture is unavoidable in the process
of recognising everyday life.
The central issue of this paper is the lowest
common denominator of “the urban way of life” in various cultural settings in
the region of Southeastern Europe. The “search” for it moves within the circle
of mythical notions of authentic values, romanticised notions about pre-modern
cities and rational living conditions in modern cities. What represents a
distinct problem is the knowledge that the issue of urban life is fogged by its
various interpretations within the domains of anthropology, ethnology, sociology,
urban studies and history.
In this paper, the solution to the
controversy brought about by these presuppositions is achieved by constructing
three problem planes. The first problem plane – connecting culture,
civilisation and the city, the second problem plane – determining the space in
which the Southeastern European city is located, and the third problem plane –
using urban idioms and patterns on the basis of which it is possible to
recognise the authentic values of the urban way of life in Southeastern Europe.
Vrcin, as a suburban community on a road
junction, has changed significantly during the last decades of the 20th
century.
Accelerated urbanisation during period of
socialist development, the abandonment of the rural environment and pressure on
the city have resulted in merging of nearby villages with the city. It was,
thus, possible for newly migrated populations to settle in the peripheral
region. Considering living conditions and paths by which living space is
obtained in town, and spreading reluctance of former rural inhabitants to rent
apartments and follow norms required in the city, this is a study of the new
biorhythm of inhabitants in Vrcin and on relations between the urban, the
suburban and the rural.
This paper is on the meeting of "festive
slowing" and global time conditioned by urbanisation. Society, in its
diverse forms and productive levels is not prone to the same biorhythm and
includes certain variations in different spaces and times. Using
anthropological research methods time is shown to be versatile in Vrcin.
The mechanical controlling of time is becoming
an obsession of the "new" Vrcin inhabitant, and is involving him
gradually in a state of neurosis and psychosomatic disorders. Individual
impressions on time and biorhythm are continuously adjusting to contemporary
social conditions.
The
Dynamics of the Urban Marketplaces: Fragmentation, Expansion and Regulatory
Practices in Bucharest
Institutional transformation in postsocialism has lead to the emergence
of diverse categories of subsistence-oriented retailers. Fragmentation and
expansion of space required an increase in regulatory practices. Institution
building aimed at eliminating middlemen and the mafia culminated in October
2004, two months before the presidential and parliamentary elections, when
police became an active and autonomous agent of control at the level of the
marketplace. The reinforcement of control in the marketplace at the beginning
of October 2004 lead to an explosion of new retailing space and has lead to an
unprecedented conflict between market administration, peasants and sidewalk
sellers. A large part of retailers chose the sidewalks near the marketplace in
order to avoid the sudden controls practised by the new “police of the
marketplace”. At the end of October 2004, the peasants from the Moghioro
marketplace started a strike, refusing to carry out their regular activities.
They explained that marketplace administration tolerated the sidewalk commerce
at the expense of the stall-owners. The aim of these new institutions was to
protect the consumers by levelling the prices for agricultural products. The
paper is based on fieldwork carried out between November 2002 and May 2003 in
Bucharest as well as on more recent observations.
Rural immigrants are supposed – according both
to everyday common sense, but to sociological literature as well – to organise
their social lives around family relationships and primordial ties, so that
they can avoid contact with external, formal, administrative institutions. It
is thought that they build small farms in blocks in order to “re-experience”
former peasant lifestyles. Meanwhile, they are seen as groups that perpetuate
past relationships with villages. The goal of this kind of analysis is to
describe an attempt of reorganising former rural autarchies in the context of
urban space.
According to the results of a survey realised
in 2002 in the city of Cluj, the only significant difference between the social
networks among people of rural and urban origin respectively, is that rural
immigrants living in cities seem to lack these important ties that might
function as social capital. Moreover, these “gaps” in their social networks
result in frustration that eventually leads to a pessimistic view of their own
life chances.
However, most probably as a consequence of this
situation, citizens of rural origin tend to rediscover and re-establish ties with
their rural communities of origin. Renewed personal relationships with people
from the countryside acquire new meanings, and will additionally contribute to
the restructuring of social networks.
The aim of the paper is to understand and
contribute to the interpretation of personal relationships seen both as
emotional ties and social capital among the first generation urban citizens who
see relocation/removal to their original rural communities as the only economic
surviving strategy left to them.
Macedonia has long been leaving its
"transitional life". A variety of social, economic, cultural and,
mostly, political changes and processes have influenced people's attitudes
about some very important questions including the practice of
(non)discrimination. These processes are most intensive and most noticeable
among the younger population.
We consider the comprehension of
(non)discrimination a very relevant anthropological question, and at the same
time a relevant social problem on which one should work actively. Ethnology and
anthropology can play an active role here. Department of Ethnology of the
University of "Sts. Cyril and Methodius" in Skopje, has for several
years, actively been working in a project in which the young population is the
main target group, aiming to observe current and relevant social processes
among the young people in Macedonia, an to help young people in implementing
the results, improving knowledge about questions of (non)discrimination and
influencing the changes in their attitudes and their behaviour. The research
project and the implementation of its results in the sense of stimulating
changes in young people's attitudes have been realised in four cities in
Macedonia: Skopje, Gostivar, Sveti Nikole and Prilep, in which young people
(12-18 years of age) from Macedonian, Albanian, Turkish and Roma communities
were included.
In addition to presenting research results from
some creative youth projects, we also aim to share our own experiences about
how ethnology and anthropology can be effectively involved in applied youth
activities.
Anti-urban elements in the ideology of the
Serbian radical right during WWII were one of the important components in the
construction of the project on the "national organic state". The
Serbian collaborationist administration during the time of German occupation
tried to promote a concept of "national spiritual renewal", a
patriarchal "zadruga-state" founded on the basis of an idealised image
of de-urbanised, hierarchically organised authoritarian society. The main
promoters of the concept came from the circle around Dimitrije Ljotic and his
"Zbor" organisation, which in his ideology
included elements of a model of agrarian-fascism. As in similar
European and especially, Southern European movements, open animosity was
shown to the "decadent" and
"alienated", "denationalised", "racially
impure" "liberal", "communist", etc., city against a
highly idealised and idyllic patriarchal village utopia, the "only
possible", "ultimate model for national survival". In
the criticism of almost all forms of urban life, similar language and
elements were used as their European ideological and political paragons,
although with some "national specificities".
Analysis was based on texts published between
1941and 1944 in different magazines and newspapers, and also on the documents
from the Belgrade archives.
An history of Belgrade's material
culture is probably exceptional as a parallel chronicle of an almost irrational
struggle for the city's survival, and an endless external and internal
destruction. In such a sense, Belgrade succeeded more as an illusion of its own
future projection of a calm and settled community. Belgrade is simultaneously
filled with love and hate of its own citizens and new settlers, its defenders
and conquerors. Belgrade abandoned its vernacular descendants, becoming a
shelter, or a trap for those who never felt, and understood, its basic values
and spirit.
The Yugoslav dissolution and ethnic wars in the
1990s concluded with the NATO bombing and the fall of the Milosevic's
authoritarian regime. All these processes have brought misery, isolationism and
self-isolationism, and serious temptations to the city's deepest, substantial
identity. In other terms, Belgrade became a model for an anthropology of modern
or postmodern barbarism, as many social and political revolutions bring
together communication breakdown, a culture of pillage and a mythology of noble
banditry.
The central city zones have been abused by
intense »over building«. Already ruinous buildings have been loaded with
supplementary floors, frequently constructed according to some distant, rural
customary. The pavement is crowded with illegal kiosks, black market sellers,
smugglers, beggars and wrongly parked cars. Suburbs have grown, with their ugly
architecture and lack of almost any infrastructural facilities. Oligarchs have
built their swaggering, clumsy villas in residential jungles. And so on. And it
is not only the lack of resolute town regulations and general poverty that has
endangered the city's urban and historical identity, it seems that the whole
history of insolent behaviour has risen, originating in the ancient struggle
between the alienated state and traditional society with its peculiar, striving
and violence-orientated values.
The city
and urbanism were central organising principles of identity within the
Bulgarian socialist system. For the socialists, the city promised freedom from
the idiocy of rural life, a more modern and efficient model for society writ
large, and a prosperous future. This paper, part of a larger dissertation on
the Bulgarian socialist humanist project of the 1960s and 1970s, focuses on the
narrative of a remade socialist city of Haskovo of the period through small,
daily acts of proximate tourism from home to work, walks in the park and
lunches eaten on monumental steps.
The socialist humanist system invested tremendous
resources in directing the movements of its population, at least in part to
transform it subjectively. My work investigates, through an examination of the
negotiations over controlled movement, the daily operations and interplay of
the intentions of the normalising regime and those of its subjects. As Haskovo was built during the
1960s and 1970s to accommodate the massive influx of urban residents, city
planners sought to build new urban socialist subjects. Using architectural
plans for the city: street grids, parks, housing complexes, museums, theatres, and
city monuments, this paper investigates the city as a central space for
negotiations over new modes of subjectivity.
The paper will present some crucial aspects of
the quotidian urban life of members of immigrant groups (Croats, Serbs,
Montenegrins, Albanians, etc.) from the republics of the former Yugoslavia who
migrated to the territory of Slovenia after World War II (in particular during
the 1970s). The phenomenon of the social urban inclusion/exclusion of the
diverse immigrant groups and the nature of the interethnic relations will be
presented in a case study of Slovene Istria, a multiethnic area between Italy
and Croatia. The examined territory (including the municipalities of Koper,
Izola and Piran) is defined by a distinctive cultural, linguistic and religious
pluralism. The population of the area includes members of the Slovene majority,
the Italian autochthonous minority and immigrants from former Yugoslavia who
migrated to Slovene Istria (mostly for economic reasons). The analysis of the
phenomenon of social exclusion/inclusion will encompass different aspects of
everyday life: the nature of interethnic contacts, ethnically mixed marriages,
housing inclusion/exclusion, the educational system, employment, etc. In
relation to the topic, autochthonous or ‘un-autochthonous’ status emerges as the
crucial component. Finally, the paper will analyse the impact of the broad
social and political changes that occurred in the territory of former
Yugoslavia (the disintegration of the once common state and the ensuing
independence of Slovenia).
The 19th century market hall
represents an effort by architects, civic officials and economic interests to
create a social space able to meet the changing economic and social demands of
the rapidly expanding industrial metropolis.
Besides providing functional urban retail
space, the market hall also institutionalised relationships between
agricultural producers, craftsmen and urban consumers; it situated the social
and economic links between urban and rural realities within an evolving urban
geography. Consequently, as an emblematic neighbourhood element, the market
hall formed a significant public space and became an integral component of city
life.
With the growth of globalisation and
consumerism, the market hall has been frequently displaced by supermarkets and
hypermarkets. These mostly generic, featureless structures are usually situated
in commercial zones on the urban periphery or in other economically viable
locations. They define what might be called the
inert social space of the private sector.
In its early manifestations the market hall was
connected, in some sense, to a utopian vision of urban reality or its
possibilities. In contrast, the hypermarket arises as a reflection of the
dystopic realities of city life.
My paper is an examination of these two social
spaces: the market hall and the hypermarket, what they suggest as architectural
types and social markers, and their place within the changing social geography
of cities in Central Europe.
Studies of the symbolic and political loading
of the urban/rural distinction in Southeastern Europe have privileged official
and publicly visible sources, such as media, academic, and literary texts. This
paper, while building on the existing research, looks rather at the level of
daily social meanings and mundane ideology, seeking to examine some of the ways
in which “urbanness” is constructed in everyday discourse by Serbian citizens –
as part of their identity, as an ideological and emotional reference, and as a
tool for establishing social and political boundaries as regards “Others”. The
analysis is based on interview data collected in 2001-2002 for the research
project “Politics and Everyday Life” of the Institute for Philosophy and Social
Theory, Belgrade, in which references to “being urban” by the interviewees were
very frequent and, more importantly, completely spontaneous. Therefore the
paper takes these invocations of “urbanness” by the speakers and subjects them to
an analysis which, though necessarily involving discourse-analytical
procedures, has mainly a sociological thrust. It focusеs on questions
such as: who is using the “urban” label as an instrument, for what purposes,
and by what means? What words are used to describe “urban” (and “rural”)? Are
there other counter-concepts to “urban”? Against whom (or what) is this usage
turned? How does it articulate with social class or with political divisions in
Serbian society?
The paper attempts to unveil the
hidden political connotations of the changing cultural meanings of football in
Slovenia. Its point of departure is the simple observation that so many
different meanings have been attributed to the game of football in recent
decades in Slovenia, that it is difficult to believe they are just a reflection
of the varying fortunes of Slovene clubs and, later, of its national team.
Accordingly, it is argued that the most important shifts in the meaning of
football in the country have more to do with the recent construction of Slovene
national identity as something essentially “un-Balkan”, rather than with the
game itself. The radical devaluation of football in the period between the late
1960s and late 1990s, for instance, can be interpreted as a way of preventing
the emerging Slovene nationalist discourse from threatening inconsistencies,
since the other nations in former socialist Yugoslavia were better in this
sport, something Slovenes, understanding themselves as a distinctively
“European” (and therefore, “superior”) nation found difficult to cope with.
Accordingly, football was interpreted as a “stupid” game, which not only
explained to Slovenes the disturbing fact that the disdained peoples from the
“Balkans” played better football than themselves, but also turned out to be an
important element in the processes of legitimising the existing ethnic
cleavages in Slovene society.
After Sofia was announced the capital of the newly
legitimised nation-state in 1879, it underwent a rapid and intensive
transformation of its composition and appearance aimed to signal a transition
from an Ottoman city to a modern European capital. This project concerned not
only the physical structure of the city but also the lifestyle and public
behaviour of its residents. The social dimensions of urban modernisation in
Sofia are evident in the arrangement of the neighbourhoods, being the level of
urban life where the domestic and the public spheres intertwine.
Prior to state autonomy the city was divided on
an ethnic principle and the residential units (makhala) displayed social homogeneity and closure. The ethnic
differentiation of districts was banned in 1882 and new principles of spatial
division consistent with modern social stratification came into being. Emerging
social inequalities were spatially enhanced in the zoning of the city and
visualised through the contrast in the appearance of planned prestigious zones
and unplanned settlements of the lower class.
Whereas the elite neighbourhoods were
officially recognised as such and moreover, reserved for certain professional
estates by the local government, the quarters of the industrial workers and
poor people were self-regulated, internally integrated and externally isolated
communities. Some even made attempts to institutionalise their spatial
distinction, developing attributes of a self-contained traditional settlement
and thus, inheriting the functions of the ethnic neighbourhoods, dispersing the
duties and authority of the head of the makhala,
among all members of the community.
Ştiucă Narcisa, Ethnology and Folklore Department, University of Bucharest & National Centre for Popular Art, Bucharest, Romania.
Villages show us a past marked by tradition and
homogeneity while towns are places where different individualities and
destinies meet. The towns established at the commercial crossroads developed
quickly and became an attraction for peasants, offering them greater access to
the world, employment and a complete new lifestyle.
I intend to present in my paper some aspects of
the movement from the village to the town recorded in Calarasi (in Southeastern
Romania, on the Danube). This town evolved from the state of a simple village
to that of a market town and strategic point during the Balkan Wars, to become
an industrial centre during forced communist industrialisation. However,
Calarasi continued to be a sum of villages both in terms of its outlying
districts and the attraction it asserted on the surrounding villagers. Many of
them considered the urban space as a last refuge, an undesirable scarcely
accepted alternative to outlive.
The stories are not only testimonies about
lived history but may become the history of settlements themselves.
The life stories of some families from Calarasi
are related to the history of this town and to the whole country. They tell of
the abandonment of the transhumant shepherding, about the colonisation of South
Dobrudja and the return from this territory, about the collectivisation process
and the systematisation of the villages under the communist regime.
The 'Rocker' subculture appears to be one of the
most durable western youth subcultures in Southeastern Europe. Despite the fact
that today, the term Rocker is almost out of use when referring to the
motobikers' groups in the West, it has remained the same in Southeastern
Europe. However, it is not correct to define contemporary Rocker subculture
just as a youth phenomenon, because it unifies bikers of different ages.
The paper analyses the aspects that distinguish
the Rocker subculture from the dominant culture and from the other urban
subcultures. It defines the common values that build this community. Key terms
in this respect are freedom, movement
(travelling), risk, solidarity, creativity (in a motorcycles' design) etc.
The research is also focused on the internal divisions of the community,
"good" vs. "bad" Rockers, "travellers" vs. city
bikers etc. The paper also examines the stereotypes about Rockers in society
through inquiry among persons without direct relationships to the Rocker
community.
The methods used include interviews and
participant observation. During the preparatory process the author attended a
number of national motorcyclist meetings. The author is currently working on
his Master's thesis research on the Rocker subculture.
The most important changes in the process of
the urbanisation of Belgrade started in 1893, when first loans were voted in
National Assembly. Until 1905 central streets were electrified and most of the
construction work on the water system and canalisation were finished. But, for
finishing these works a new loan was needed, which opened a new discussion in
the Assembly and among the public. The debate was very tense and the loan was
postponed for the next year. The arguments for and against modernisation and
urbanisation given in that debate are a very important source for anti-urban
discourse analyses and can help us in better understanding of specific
anti-modernisation and anti-European populist ideology, which represents one of
the longue durée processes in Serbian
political culture.
In diesem Beitrag geht es um die "narrativen Transpositionen"
individueller Lebensgeschichten makedonischer Einwanderer im Hamburg mit
Schwerpunkt auf besonderen Bestandteilen verschiedener Lebensstile. Diese
Elemente werde im Rahmen der Habitus- bzw. Feldtheorie (Pierre Bourdieu)
analysiert. Konkret wird die innere Urbanisierung, d.h. "die Stadt im
Kopf" (G. Korff) vorgestellt, mit dem Ziel, ihre Mannigfaltigkeit
beweisen. Fragen nach der mentalen großstädtlichen Zeit- und Raumaneignung und
-wahrnehmung prägen schließlich einen Komplex von konzeptuellen Überlegungen zu
Urbanität und Mentalitätswandel. In diesem Sinne beschreiben viele narrative
Transpositionen eine wesentliche Diskrepanz zwischen Habitus und Feld.
"Raum und Zeit in der Großstadt“ sind also völlig neue Erlebniskategorien
und Werte. Dies ergibt beim ersten Aufenthalt eine mechanische Aneignung völlig
neuer und „unverständlicher“ Handlungen und Gewohnheiten. Wie wird die Heimat
(d.h., makedonische Städte wie Skopje, Strumica, Stip, Ohrid, Prilep,
Bitola)erlebt und wie verläuft die narrative Transposition dieser
Erfahrungskonstellation? Hier sollten die Bedeutungen von „Wohnung“,
„Nachbarschaft“, „Straße“, „Verwandtschaft“, „Kneipe“, sowie die Arbeits- und
Freizeigestalltung, die parallel zu Hamburg als zwei kulturelle Grammatiken
funktionieren untersucht werden. Wie funktionieren Apathie und Energie und
werden diese in Lebensgeschichten reflektiert? Wie werden die typischen
“sozialen Phobien und Euphorien” erlebt und erzählt? Und schließlich wird die
Frage gestellt, ob es möglich ist, eine totale Transformation des Habitus und
den kompletten Übergang, von einer gemeinschaftlichen zur einer industriellen
Gesellschaft, in einer einzigen Generation zu vollziehen?
The paper will address the topic of everyday
life of gays and lesbians in Slovenia. According to various research results
from Western countries, gays and lesbians are more likely to live in urban
places (Sandfort) and thus constitute an important urban subculture. The
research project carried out in Slovenia from 2002 to 2004 on a sample of 443
gays and lesbians confirmed these data – 62% of respondents in the sample do
live in a major urban city, either Ljubljana or Maribor. These data seem to
suggest that urban places are safer for gays and lesbians because of the higher
level of privacy and social acceptance. The paper will question this view,
showing that – at least in the Slovenian context – gays and lesbians are
exposed to social exclusion, high levels of homophobia and violence. More than
50% of the respondents in the survey were victims of violence at least once,
most often in public places, such as streets, pubs and similar. On the other
hand, the private sphere, especially the social network of friends and
increasingly families (parents), seems to be ‘safer’. There is therefore a
double situation with a high level of homophobia on the one hand, and the
so-called ‘privatisation’ of homosexuality on the other.
Tourism and travel as leisure are significant
social phenomena that developed from a culture of the elite into a mass
activity in the course of the 20th century. In Yugoslavia after
World War Two, tourism became part of the way of life of many families. While
there is a considerable body of literature on leisure and holidaymaking as
revealing aspects of ‘modern’ societies in Western Europe, few studies exist on
the social and cultural transformations connected to urban recreation in
socialism.
This paper will present the theoretical
departure points of a planned research project at the Department of Southeast
European History in Graz. From the 1950s, the Yugoslav state communicated a
narrative of national unity and growing prosperity, mediated also through the
idea of leisure provision for the ‘worker’. Facilities for leisure and tourism
changed urban life, both as the manifestation of socialist ideology and in the
sphere of social practice. But in contrast to other socialist countries, the
nature of the Yugoslav system allowed the population significant space in which
to determine the personal sphere and display social differentiation through
consumption. Since leisure also gives rise to notions of community and
citizenship, the paper will deal with the meeting points and tensions between
political discourse, regional concepts of cultural heritage, urban identities
and social life in the former Yugoslavia.
My paper is based
on participant observation in three different supermarkets in Bucharest, as
well as a case study on my next-door neighbour family. The “Carrefour”, “Cora”
and “Bucuresti Mall” differ in their
location (“Cora” is peripheral while the other two are close to the city
centre), their organising space (the “Mall” is built vertically, the others
horizontally), their prices, target customers, utility and in their way of
displaying products. All of them are made up of a proper supermarket and shops
selling non-food products. I could observe during my several visits to all of
them not only the different social status of the customers, but how different
spaces could model communication among people. Subscribing to D. Miller’s[12] idea that the act
of shopping, beyond it being an economic exchange, speaks about a network of
human relations (family structure, gender status, friendship etc), I propose to
analyse customers’ behaviour and acts of speaking in the three different
places. I will join my young neighbour family shopping, debating their choice
for one of the three supermarkets on different occasions, observing their way
of acting and communicating in the three places. My study is mainly constructed
around the question: “Do different public spaces induce different behaviour?”
and it uses M. Auge’s conceptualisation of space[13].
In a former socialist capital city such as
Bucharest, the scarcity of public spaces that allow for resting and gathering
is an obviously visible fact. The main central squares are designed to be
transitory points rather than places where one can sit and spend time. Urban
architects and sociologists have agreed that the only location which could be
accepted as a real square is Piaţa Universităţii (University
Square). Its very popular meeting place, La fîntînă (At the fountain)
brings together all sorts of people every day: students, teenagers, old people
that sit around for hours and chat, sometimes shouting loudly their opinions
through a megaphone, street children or homeless people that sleep on the
benches. This square, with its gathering possibilities, also has a symbolic
background and it is not by chance that during the Romanian Revolution in 1989,
most of the people demonstrated and remained there for days.
Throughout the last decade, within a process
that might be classified as inventing public space, locations like the central
metro as well as areas in front of important buildings such as National Theatre
have become acknowledged and established as both meeting and socialising
places. These territories are shared but invisibly marked by different
categories of young people.
On the other hand, using a public space like
the Bucharest Mall becomes a sign of social prestige and an occasion to show
oneself or to draw attention. It is the perfect place to be seen and to see
others – the most important thing is one´s presence there. Observing and
analysing how a post socialist city finds and establishes its own public spaces
is, by all means, an extremely challenging, interesting and revelatory
exercise.
My study begins with the premise that the
construction of national identity is realised in concrete social practices,
practices that can be described in terms of time and space and are defined
mostly by elements of social (it is more proper to say: public) memory.
We have a natural awareness
that space is an organisational feature of our daily lives that is irremediably
embedded within practical matters. But it is also “readable”. We can ask the
question if this means that particular places have stable, enduring and
obdurate world of spatial arrangements, the meaning of which is known in common
by members of a community. It is possible, if we consider one, ethnically
homogenous community. But in cases where the same place is shared by two or
more communities, the space became the witness of a symbolic war, where the winner
is who has more political power.
My attention was drawn to Cluj, the cultural
centre of Transylvania. In this town two competing nations, the Hungarians and
the Romanians, contest public symbolic space. The two national communities have
to share the same territory, and have to negotiate a form of co-existence. As a
consequence both communities try to appropriate the territory in specific forms
appropriate to their own cultural tradition.
In fact, the fight is about identity markers –
about the definition of the communities themselves.
The presentation aims, by using the
operationalisation created by V. Morrow (2003), to explore the validity and
specific meaning in the case of children of the features and components of
social capital such as social networks, sense of belonging and local identity,
community, and participation. The evidence for the analysis comes from a small-scale
survey and eight focus group interviews with 13 – 14 year old schoolchildren
carried out from November 2003 to June 2004 in three Belgrade urban settings.
The locations have been chosen as
representatives of different types of urban settings, which are marked by
unequal levels of development of social infrastructure, as well as by different
types of organisation of residential space (individual or collective housing or
housing blocks/estates). Various features of the three rather different
locations – their proximity to the city centre, existence of parks, woods or the riverbank etc., together
social infrastructural elements – especially sport facilities, playgrounds and
shopping malls, were perceived differently by children as benefits in their
neighbourhoods.
The evidence shows that
community is not located in a geographical location but in the sense of
belonging stemming from relations with other people (V. Morrow 2003: 177). This
community of friends – a kind of «virtual community», which is situated in
spaces around the school, streets and other favourite places, extends beyond
the physical limits of the neighbourhood.
The path to urbanisation and modernisation
commonly moves activities from the public into the private domain. For example,
today, on any side street leading to Stradun,
the heart of Dubrovnik’s old city, you will see clotheslines strung between
private residences across narrow public streets, shared by two unrelated
families. Clotheslines are a practical solution to one of life’s basic needs
and they require cooperation. The image of clotheslines is introduced in this
paper as a graphic and symbolic illustration of public cooperation in the
practice of private activities. This paper focuses, rather, on another
traditional practice in Dubrovnik, the corso,
or walk, contrasting it to the American “work
out.” The corso is highly
ritualised public behaviour integrated into daily life. It meets the basic
private need for exercise, fresh air, and social interaction, but is conducted
in public, and places an individual in interactive social contexts. Cooperation
in public spaces is a vital community element in Dubrovnik today as it has been
for centuries.
The public-private continuum is established in
this paper by contrasting the corso
with the American “work out.” Homes
in U.S. suburbs meet many basic needs, from home schooling, to home
entertainment, religious practice, and even home gyms. While the corso, permits residents to remain both
physically and socially fit, the American “work
out,” may segregate the exerciser in the home, or in private clubs, in
stark isolation from community interaction or cooperation. The U.S. data on the
work out are drawn from a weight loss study of the National Weight Control
Registry conducted in three American cities. “Societal privatisation” bears
consequences worthy of examination as Southeastern Europe continues down the
path of modernisation.
Linking science fiction and architecture seems
unusual. However, after the Bolshevik Revolution, science fiction and
architecture were two of the most innovative forms of artistic creativity in
the USSR. Science fiction can be compared with the architectural avant-garde or
constructivist style, having in common their attempt to explore new spaces but
at the same time contributing to the creation of a new communist world. Later
this new world was “exported” to the Soviet satellites as well, including
Romania.
The relationship between architecture and the
socio-political context in which its creation took place is a complex one. In
the case of Romania, the relationship between politics and urbanism is a key
feature in the sense that one can perceive an overlapping of the political and
artistic stages, though there was not always perfect synchronicity. The essay
focuses on urbanism as conceived by science fiction literature, which emerged
in Romania under Soviet protection, having in the city of Bucharest the
archetype of real and imagined urbanisation as captured by the change from
Socialist Realism to a modernist conception of architecture. The features of
imagined urbanisation are based on science fiction literature, while the real
dimension of it is given by the memoirs and speeches of the person most
involved in the transformation of Bucharest.
This peculiar juxtaposition is the context of
this analysis of the relationship between politics and artistic production (in
this case architecture/urbanism and science fiction literature), in Romanian
society of the 1950s and 1960s, a period which corresponds to a shift and a
rejection of Stalinist models and practices.
The paper examines the application of the
evaluation tools characteristic for built heritage to a non-heritage spatial
context, here represented in the case of the suburbs of Ljubljana East. Twenty
years after becoming an administrative part of the city of Ljubljana, Ljubljana
East remains not only rather suburban, but also non-urban, and practically
neglected from the point of view of the urban. Though usual criteria would
recognise very little heritage context within the suburban – and could even
prefer not to evaluate it at all –, the crucial question asked here is what
would happen if we widen both the concept of heritage (towards an integral
heritage), and the social context in which this evaluation is to take place? In
this study, the local community is approached in order to help articulate and
establish a statement on spatial values existing within this particular
context. The aim of the study is to address particular social, cultural,
political, and economic issues in order to provide experiential data necessary
for establishing a methodology for an inductive, complex, and holistic
evaluation of the suburban spatial context as a foundation for future planning.
The study draws on the basis of the recently conducted research into the role
of the tertiary sector within the built heritage preservation field in
Slovenia.
This study aims to explore a much disputed product
in the contemporary Romanian music industry, usually named “manele”. “Manele”
could be best defined as a musical hybrid containing oriental, Balkan and Gypsy
rhythms beside “traditional” Romanian music but also dance or hip-hop
influences. It is disputed because of an ardently public and media critique but
also because of its public influence. In many cases, this musical genre is
labelled immoral and it is generally interpreted in the key of ethnic and
racial stereotypes. This type of public discourse is approached by many
intellectuals and journalists. From their point of view, “manele”, as
representing a form of ignorance that threatens the “education of youth”,
should be removed.
My analysis is focused on consumption and takes
into account the socioeconomic context within which “manele” is produced and
consumed. The songs’ lyrics and their cultural significance is an important
reference point in the study of consumer behaviour. The lyrics contain a
discourse of everyday life that increases the level of popularity of this
music, made visible in the music charts made by local radio stations and
internet pages.
This music is also associated with the economic and
psychological features of both singers and consumers. The general trend of
opinion “explains” the consumption of this cultural product in terms of
poverty, the lack of education and social integration. However, it is difficult
to circumscribe the pubic of this musical genre in terms of class,
socioeconomic status, education, occupation, and other variables. “Manele”, in
its contemporary form as consumer culture could represent the musical
expression of postsocialist life trajectories. Industrial decline, the
increasing rates of poverty and unemployment that occurred after 1990, have
lead to complex life strategies (economic informalisation), which have been
adopted by people in order to survive. Therefore, many of the lyrics are
inspired by urban folklore. In this respect the lyrics contain specific
attitudes and beliefs related to work, money, gender relations, friendship and
kinship. The paper will emphasise the links between “manele” and specific urban
lifestyles.
In my paper I will explore the urbanisation of
Belgrade, from the mid 19th century to 1941. I will trace changes
that occurred in the city, from the first urbanisation plans to the beginning
of the WWII. In a way, changes in architecture and in urban planning can be
seen as a search for identity, because Belgrade went through three different
phases:
-
At
first as a part of the Ottoman Empire, when Serb inhabitants of Belgrade lived
in a small part of the town, called “varoš” outside the city walls.
-
Then,
after the expulsion of the Turks, Belgrade searched for its “Serb identity” –
forgetting about the Ottoman heritage and making new urbanisation plans, in a
wish to create a “human” environment and a real Serbian capital.
-
Finally,
after 1918, Belgrade became the Yugoslav capital, trying to find an equal place
among European capitals, changing itself and modernising.
After one hundred years (1842-1941), what was
created in Belgrade was described by architects and urban planners as a
complete urbanist chaos. Was that chaos an answer to the question of identity?
Being between East and West and between different cultures, Belgrade became, and
still is, a “patchwork city”, with the permanent wish to be modern city.
Corso, the circular promenade in the main town
street, is a longue durée phenomenon
in Serbia and Montenegro. Belonging to the domain of ritualised daily life, it
has clearly defined temporal, spatial and behavioural rules. In the
reminiscences of our interviewees, this informal public institution goes back
to the 1920s and lives on in small and medium-sized towns until the present.
The basic characteristics of each corso, such as the space it occupies, the
socio-demographic characteristics of its participants, their routes and meeting
points, as well as the density of their flow, all changed over time. These
changes reflected the overall political, economic, social, moral and cultural
trends in the society at large. They also mirrored the local changes created by
the reconstruction of the urban cores, including urban planning and
architectural interventions as well as the transfer of ownership of commercial
objects that served as the meeting, socialising and entertainment places in and
around the corso.
When clipped from a temporal continuum, each
corso appears as a reflection of the local urban community. Its space is
segmented according to the social structure of the community, reflecting the
size, status and power of every social group distinct by age, gender,
educational level and profile, social status, ethnic and religious belonging,
even subculture. The paper will point to the most essential characteristics of
this total social phenomenon (as
defined by Marcel Mauss), using as an example the towns of Serbia and
Montenegro in which the corso has survived.
Au cadre de cette étude, nous présentons quelque-uns des
plus importants acteurs des changements socioprofessionels agissants dans les
villes de la Serbie post-socialiste en ce tournant de siècle. Nous décrivons
les places et les rôles des acteurs principaux de la »production de l'espace«
dans ce moment, de leurs hiérarchies internes, des conflits qui les animent, de
leurs alliances horizontales ainsi que ceux dites verticales. Notons bien que
le problème ainsi posé ne peut être abordé que du point de vue de la sociologie
urbaine moderne.
Pour qu'on puisse mieux comprendre cette transformation
agitée de nos villes, nous sommes amenés de prendre en considération tous ces
processus de l'urbanisation qui se déroulent devant nos yeux, et que nous
pouvons décrire d'une manière assez brève: une fuite accélérée de l'activité
économique vers le secteur soi-disant tertiaire, une privatisation chaotique,
une commercialisation de toutes les sphères de la vie, une mobilité
résidentielle accrue, une ségrégation sociale de plus en plus aiguë. Il s'avère
que les principaux acteurs des changements urbains faut-il chercher dans les
ranges des hommes politiques, des PDG nouveaux, des hommes d'affaires, des
»professionnels« du ménagement de l'espace... Et nous voyons bien que les
citoyens, en tant qu'acteur potentiels des changements urbains, se voient-ils
placées au niveau assez bas dans cette hiérarchie de pouvoir.
La notion de l'acteur
urbain doit être prise ici dans la signification suivante: il s'agit d'un
individu, ou bien d'un groupe, qui occupe une certaine position dans la
société, disposant donc de certaines ressources sociales et, sur cette base,
défendant ses intérêts et valeurs spécifiques; cet individu, ou bien ce groupe,
entretient donc ses rapports avec les autres
et, à partir de ces dispositions, dans une interaction active avec eux, met en
forme son identité à lui même, et c'est à partir de cette prise de conscience
qu'il propose des projets sur le développement de la ville et le renouvellement
da la vie quotidienne.
Enfin, dans un niveau un peu plus élevé, on voit surgir
dans notre projet un cadre de référence beaucoup plus large: celui où nous
allons organiser notre matériel suivant une triade, disons, hégélienne: société/Etat – cité/pouvoir
local – citoyen/logement, voisinage, quartier... Et nous voilà sur le terrain
d'une exploration (en même temps global que local!) sur les stratégies
»transformatrices« des individus et des groupes sociaux en Serbie.
The city was integral to the Ustashas’
propaganda and ideology. In many respects, the Ustashas were deeply suspicious
of cities and urban values. The Ustasha regime and its supporters frequently
portrayed the city as a dark dystopian nightmare, teeming with decadent
influences. Only when the city had been regenerated by the pure blood of
healthy peasants and cleansed of the ‘alien’ and ‘degenerate’ influence of
‘foreigners’ would a genuine nation-state be achieved. Hardly surprisingly, the
Ustashas often idealised the values of the peasantry and eulogised the idyll of
rural life. However, the Ustashas did not perceive of the city in an
exclusively negative manner; nor was village life uncritically interpreted.
Rather, the Ustashas aimed to remake national life by reconciling the long-held
division in Croatia between the countryside and the city. Just as the presence
of peasants would help Croatian cities return to what the Ustashas deemed
Croatian values, so the importing of ‘progressive’ and ‘urban’ values could
help to elevate the countryside and civilise the peasants. The Ustashas
believed that modernity and technology would eradicate backwardness in the
countryside permanently. Through an examination of propaganda, popular culture,
novels and iconography, this paper examines how the Ustashas both demonised the
cosmopolitanism of the city and embraced its modern utopian possibilities in an
effort to mobilise the population behind a radical nationalist agenda.
My presentation will discuss the physical living
conditions and economic survival strategies of the Kurdish families who have
been directly or indirectly affected by the internal displacement phenomenon in
Turkey after 1993 and who are now living in an inner-city slum neighbourhood,
namely Tarlabasi, in the Beyoglu district of Istanbul that some researchers
would even define as a “ghetto”. The paper will comprise part of my ongoing PhD
dissertation in which I try to combine the socio-economic aspect of the forced
migration issue to the spatial aspect. I will thus propose to look at forced
migration as a key factor of social exclusion that reinforces the enduring
exclusion of the Kurds as an ethnic group from citizenship. Indeed, the Kurds
that have been forced to leave their villages in the Southeastern Anatolia have
experienced, during their migration and after having settled in an urban
environment, unprecedented poverty. The
paper will consider their coping strategies in this new livelihood including
child labour, street vending and informal (or illegal) activities and try to
answer the following question: Do these strategies represent the short-term
survival mechanism of an excluded group or do they serve long-term integration,
as it was the case for previous rural-to-urban migrants?
The aim is to consider the question of the
marginalisation processes that affect migrants foremost from two perspectives:
segregation on the basis of geographical location and exclusion from social
life. This basic observation can be easily viewed by various examples across
Southeastern Europe, although the Western European experience does not differ
very much. In the first part of the paper a broader theoretical frame will be
given in order to identify links between geographical and social exclusion of
migrants and implications for everyday practical life. In addition, the case of
recent migratory processes in Slovenia will be contextualised from this
perspective.
The starting point of the paper will be the
statement that exclusionary practices resulting in marginalisation of migrants
in contemporary urban life are the result of complex and interconnected public
policies regulating access to citizenship, the position of the welfare state
and migration and asylum policies. The latter should be based on labour market
needs as well as human rights aspects.
To build coherent framework for the analysis of
processes that are leading towards practices of social and spatial exclusion,
three main concepts coming from different disciplines of social science will be
introduced: citizenship, integration and human rights.
The world has changed. This trivial
consideration reflects the increasing proliferation in the flows of persons,
goods, sounds, images, and ideologies (a.k.a "globalisation").
Nevertheless, in recent years a good number of scholars in the social sciences
addressed the question of if it is really the world that has changed or rather the way we look at it. While
anthropologists have offered various answers to this general issue they have
unanimously acknowledged the specificity of their method, namely ethnography or extensive fieldwork. To what extent
fieldwork and classical methods and techniques elaborated in the early 20th
century are appropriate tools for social inquiry in the contemporary social
world is a less obvious and relatively unexplored issue. Comparing fieldwork
experiences the author has made both in urban (Bucharest) and rural
(Transylvania) postsocialist Romania, this paper explores the way traditional
field research methods (such as "participant observation", taking
notes, conducting interviews, writing a diary etc.) produce particular
knowledge within situated social contexts. While arguing against a radical
polarisation of the urban vs. rural dichotomy (one largely constructed by
social scientists themselves) the paper investigates how specific face-to-face
encounters participate in the production of locality, and clarifies how ideas
of space and place are modified and possibly created through ethnographic
research practices. The paper will also tackle the question of how diverse
"ethnographic subjects" categorise and conceptualise the
anthropologist and his/her activities during fieldwork in urban and rural
contexts.
The paper will present some results of my work
in a larger research project about Bulgarian cities in transition. The first
part will discuss some methodological problems about the state of the social
sciences and humanities from the viewpoint of their interest in the city, why
the town and the city were underdeveloped research subjects during the
socialist era and how and on which ways they became to be more important and
significant in the 1990s.
In that frame the paper will point out several
topics from the case study of the city of Plovdiv concerning the changes in the
last years on a local level, but with references for the context of Bulgaria
too. To present the current situation and some trends of the urban development,
the changes in urban milieu are studied on the following levels:
First - searching for and creating
‘new’ images of the city in the context of the process of EU-integration –
discourses before local elections in 2003, projects of the local authorities,
civil associations and media debate.
Second - restructuring and
re-defining of the city as presented in urban planning, urban zoning, urban
spaces and social division and mobility.
Third - how those changes and
discourses are situated in the context of the local, national and international
– how the city tries to find and to create emblems, “trademarks” and to develop
strategies for tourism based on culture as a resource.
Mass media (re)construct reality while
simultaneously representing it. Most of our social and political knowledge and
beliefs about the world derive from media reports we read or see everyday.
Therefore, mass media is one of the main territories where discursive
negotiations over meanings take place.
I will examine the negotiation of the meanings
of ‘urban’ and of ‘woman’. I am also interested in what way these two concepts
intersect. I will analyse the Slovenian weekly Mladina (Youth) and Serbian weekly Vreme (Time), in the period immediately after the collapse of
Yugoslavia and in the beginning of the transitional period. That period is
interesting because of the instability of meanings and new narratives which
emerged after the socialist period. Also, these two countries have the same
socialist experience, having been parts of the same federal country, and I am
concerned in what way that influenced public discourse, considering their very
different political positions in the postsocialist period. I will examine how
‘urban‘ is constructed and how women are represented in the press? What is
ideological construction of urban women in the postsocialist, transitional
press?
I will use semiotic and critical discursive
analysis to examine in depth the structures (associations and meanings) which
are under the surface of words and photography in media discourse and which
refer to the representation of urban women.
Football matches in Serbia and Montenegro follow the
organisational patterns set and applied by the Football Association of the
former Yugoslavia. These include the division of the lower leagues according to
geographical criteria. The overall principle of classification employed is the
provisional concept of the four-corners-of-the-World division of physical space
of the country, and further classification takes into account the regional
administrative particularities.
Being not just the capital, but outclassing the other
“big” cities of the country five or six times, Belgrade also has a special
position in the organisational agenda of the Serbian FA. Its physical space is
conceived by the Serbian FA officials to meet the demands of the particular
levels of competition. The most peculiar of these constructs used to be the one
performed in organising Division Two competitions 2001-2004. At a glance, one
is given no clue to the reason behind this concept: the Belgrade clubs of that
competetive level were divided among the Northern, Western or Eastern groups of
Division Two, ignoring almost all of the possible principles eventually to be
considered for such an operation – physical topography of Belgrade, its
municipal administrative organisation, or the geography of Serbia.
We intend to present the facts of this kind of urban
topography conception in detail, to analyse it and to discuss the results
considering: a) what Belgrade presents in Serbian cultural cognition in
general; b) some special social, cultural, and economic features of the country
in transition; c) the institution of the FA itself.
The transcription of Greek
words in the Latin script used in this paper merely aims at simplicity
[1] Renée Hirschon (ed.), Crossing the Aegean, An Appraisal of the
1923 Compulsory Population Exchange between Greece and Turkey, Oxford, New
York, Berghahn Books, 2003.
[2] Vasilis Kalaïtzoglou, Stis paranges, Historia mias zôis, [In the shanties, Story of a life],
Athens, Hestia, 1993, (in Greek).
[3] Yiôrgos N. Lampsidis, The refugees of 1922: Their contribution to
the development of the country, Thessalonica, Kyriakidis, 2nd
edition: 1989, (in Greek), p. 91: “According
to the 1928 [Hellenic] census, by which the flow of refugees into Greece could
be then estimated, refugees who arrived here numbered 1.221.850 persons, among
whom 151.892 came before 1922 and 1.069.958 after the Catastrophe of Asia
Minor.”
[4] Marc Mazower, Salonica City of Ghosts, Christians, Muslims
and Jews 1430-1950, London, Harper Collins, 2004, pp. 351-355: “The City
without Muslims”, Oxford, New York, Berghahn Books, 2004.
[5] Yiôrgos Deliyiannis, Aichmalôsia, Exodos apo ti Smyrni, [War detention, Exodus out of Smryna],
Athens, Idmôn, 1st edition: 1997, 2nd edition: 2001, (in
Greek), p. 18.
[6] Idem, p. 19
[7] “Tourkosporos” was a common
insult uttered to discriminate against Greek Orthodox refugees from former Ottoman
lands.
[8]
Kemper, Robert V., Jack Rollwagen (1995) Urban anthropology. In Encyclopedia of Cultural
Anthropology. Ember, Melvin, David Levinson, eds. Lakeville: American Reference
Publishing.
[9]
Redfield, Robert (1947) The folk society. American Journal of Sociology 52:
293-308.
[10] Borthwick, Stuart
(1998) Dance, Culture and Television: an analysis of
the politics of contemporary dance culture and its tele-visual representations, PhD thesis, Liverpool John Moores
University, available at http://www.staff.livjm.ac.uk/mccsbort/thesis/introduction.html.
Jecu, Marta (2004). Imaginea nomada. Turism visual si spatiu identitar, Master's thesis, Program on
Anthropology and Social Development, The National School of Political Sciences
and Public Administration, Bucharest.
[11] The research methods/techniques
used are: participant observation; interviews; time budgets; content analysis
of relevant material (electronic discussion forums, flyers, magazine interviews
with electro artists etc.).
[12] Miller, Daniel, Making Love in
Supermarkets, in B. Highmore(Ed.), The
Everyday Life Reader, 2002, London: Routledge
[13] Auge, Marc, Non-lieux. Introduction a une
anthropologie de la surmodernite, 1992, Paris : Editions du Seuil