28 April – 1 May 2011
ABSTRACTS
Organizer
International
Association for Southeast European Anthropology (InASEA)
Co-organizers
Südost-Institut
Sponsors
Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft
(DFG)
University of Regensburg
Universitätsstiftung Hans
Vielberth
Contents
Dilemmas of Bulgarian Popfolk: Roma,
Modernity, and Exoticism
Can Reflection on Modernity be
Modern again in Post Postmodern Southeast Europe?
From Pre-Modern Kurbet to
Post-Modern Transnationalism: Theoretical and Methodological Issues
Labor, Time, and Calculation: Coping
with Capitalism in Southeast Europe (Panel 1.1.)
Negotiating (Post)Modernities: the Western
Balkans in the Process of EU-Enlargement (Panel 3.6)
From “Rural” to “Plural” –
Reinventing Locality via Tourism
Photography
and (Post)Modernity (Panels 1.4 and 2.4)
Revival
of Religious Festivities in Southeastern Europe since the Early 1990s (Panel
2.5)
The Influence of Recent Changes in
the Lifestyles of Vlachs upon their Folklore
"Constructs and Uses of a
'Western' Identity: the Case of Albanian Immigrants in Greece"
"Le Nous fragmenté et le Je
cosmopolite. Les nouvelles dynamiques identitaires roumaines"
The Kanun of Land and Social
Relations in Post-Communism: The Case of North Albania
Narratives of Change: A Case Study
Managing Time in Moldova:
Transformations of the Ritual Cycle under Postsocialism
Islamic Cultural Heritage Policies
in Albania: Some Examples
Functional Interdependences within
Romanian Rural Communities
The Influence of Social Groups in
Lifestyle Choices made by Romanian Teenagers
Fashion (in) Photography: Fashion, Visual Culture and Identity in
Serbia between the World Wars
Social Sciences and East European (Mis)Representations
of Modernity
Changing Models of Parenting within
Contemporary Urban Families in Bulgaria
Dinca, Melinda / Bulgaru,
Teodora
A History of Changes in Work
Opportunities: a Thematic Monography of the Commune of Coronini
Djordjevic, Crnobrnja Jadranka
Customary Law - Instrument of
Cultural Petrification
Djurić-Milovanović,
Aleksandra
Dokuzović, Lina /
Tatlić, Šefik
Transition as a Void: Integration,
Complicity and Resistance
Food for the Dead: Reinforcing
Social Ties, Work-Exchange and Postsocialist Agriculture in Romania
Ljubljana: a "Creative
City"? Europeanization in Southeastern Europe
IKEA in Serbia: Debates on Modernity,
Culture and Democracy in the Pre-Accession Period
Changing Modes of the Alevi Musical
Culture: Traditionalism, Avant-gardism and Consumerism
MMORPG: Entering the World without
Borders
Folklore Events: an Ethnological
Heritage, Unwanted Heritage, or Socialist Tradition?
The Creation of Romanian National
Cultural Heritage - White Spots and "European" Approaches
Buying Things as Rituals of
Interaction among Young College Istanbulite Women
Home Away from Home: Creating
Mirdita
(Re)Balkanization of Europe: Balkan
Music Awards 2010
New Local Identities and “Returning”
Religiousness in the Post-Socialist Balkans
Fishing in Muddy Waters – Tourism
and Access to Resources in the Danube Delta
New Forms of Religious Practice
Performed in Cyberspace
“How Old Do You Think I Am?”
Pronouns of Power and Solidarity in Serbia Today
New Political Elites as Patrons of Hip-Hop
Graffiti Writing
What Happened to the Macedonian
Salad? The Establishment of Modern Ethnocracy
The Relocation of Greek Businesses
in the Balkans: a Capitalist Diaspora
“Old” and “New” Collective
Consumptions in Bulgaria (or Why it is Not Good to Eat Out Alone)
National Identity and Every Day Life
after the Depth Crisis in Greece
The Proletarianisation of Peasantry:
A Narrative of Socialist Modernity in Albania
Remembering and Justice:
Post-Socialist Discourses in Bulgaria
Internet and Emigration of Bulgarian
Citizens to the United Kingdom
“Welcome to the Land of Orpheus”:
Politics of Heritage and Tourism in Post-Communist Bulgaria
Ethnic Denotations: The Hungarian
Case
Negotiating Europeaness and a Memory
Surplus in Post-Yugoslavian Feminist Genealogies
Gender Identity in Modernism and
Postmodernism
House Economy and Ritual Life in a
Macedonian Town: the Case of Tobacco Growers
Space (The Center of Town) as Locus
and Focus (Following the Example of the Project SKOPJE 2014)
From a ‘Leopard’ to a ‘Waffle’
Fence: Local Comparative Aesthetics in Maramureș and Bucovina
Language and Men's Place in 21st
Century Romania
“Has Not Been That Easy”: Transition
to Neoliberalism and the 1980 Coup d’Etat in Turkey
Social Remittances - Based
Initiatives: Conspicuous Consumption and Social Recognition
Religion and Gender between Public
and Private Lives in Post-Socialist Albania
New Religiosity and Relation towards
Death: Serbia at the Beginning of the Third Millenium
Serbian Community of Romania in the
Process of Transition
What Does Communist Mean in
Post-Communist Times?
Love in Postsocialist Society (the
Case of Bulgaria)
Orthodoxe
Praxen in bulgarschen Kleinunternehmen
Mourning Lost Modernity: Workers,
Europe, and (Post)Yugoslav Post-Socialism
Free Market and Liberal Democracy in
Albania: An Anthropological Approach to Regime Change
Holy Week Processions in
Croatia
“Albanians made us Lazy”: Rural
Developments along the Greek-Albanian Border
The Hegemony of Vision: Josip Broz
Tito, Photography and Issues of Modernity in Former Yugoslavia
The Migration of Russians as a
Global/Local Social Phenomenon
(Un)Changed Biography of a Town:
History, Memory and Usage of Jajce’s Heritage
New Belgrade Post-War Changed
Identity – Sustainable Modern City – Social Transformation
Gender Relation in Macedonia after
Socialism (Phases of Development from Declaration to Legislation)
Crafting the ‘Volunteer’ in Greece:
New Forms of Governmentality and Subversive Socialities
“The Land Where East Meets West” –
Dalmatia as a Geographical and Geopolitical Niche
Religious Processions in the Aegean
(Greece): When Continuity is Defined by Change
Hidden Identity or National
Minority? The Case of Bulgarians in Romania
Politics of Walls: Reading Images in
Contemporary Serbia
Narrations on Migration and the Adaptation
Process among Vlachs of Korça in Albania
Social Exclusion in a Post-Socialist
Context: The Representations of Roma in Serbian Print Media
The Deceit of Goods: Consumption and
Reconstruction of ‘Normality’ in Post-Socialist Serbia
Getting Your Foot in the Door: miq
dhe lekë
Modernity and the Picturesque - A
Romanian Understanding of Identity and Alterity
Problems in Applying Theories of
Religion in (Post-)Modernity to Southeast Europe
Une acculturation désirée. Le cas de la
ville de Bucarest au XIXe siècle
Religious Material Culture as a
Source of "(Post)Modern" Orthodox Christian Idendity in Serbia
(Be)Gendering Existance - Towards a
New Type of Pattern: The Retrosexual
Ethno Village: Desirable, Irreal and
Functional Construct of Identity
Beauty, Body and Social Change in
Post-Communist Romania
„Europa“ in den Debatten muslimischer Bevölkerungsgruppen Bulgariens: Konstruktionen und Wandel
Postsocialist Capitalism and the Rural Domestic Economy: Domains and Limits of Calculation
"Winners" and "Losers" of Transition as New Social Groups in Serbian Society
Familienbilder in den Selbstbeschreibungen junger Erwachsener aus Südosteuropa
“I am a Nationalist Person”: Meaning of Nationalism(s) in the Discourse of Ordinary People
New Urban Spaces and Materialities in Postsocialist Cluj, Romania
The Modern Aeneas: Romanian Women Abroad
Does Crisis Increase Calculation? Timber Trade, Risks and Work in the Highlands of Romania
Kulla and Koshki: Identity and Traditional Law in Albania and Georgia
From Colonial Power to Neoliberal Eastern Europe
Litija of Kuti: Sabor of the Bay of Kotor, Montenegro
Pilgrimage and Ritual Practices in Post-Socialist Bulgaria
Yancheva, Yana / Pimpireva, Zhenia
The Changing Family Among the Bessarabian Bulgarians in the Post-Soviet Space
Family and Kinship in a Post-War
Context: A Serbian Community in Southeast Kosovo
(University of Oregon,
Chalga, a fusion of pan-Balkan folk styles with pop, wedding, and Romani
music, has become a mass phenomenon since the 1990s. This paper analyzes
popfolk economically (who is profiting), politically (who has what kind of
power), representationally (who and what is being represented musically and
visually), and historically (how it has changed) with an eye to the role of
Roma and the question of modernity. Critics of chalga, composed of the
intelligentsia, nationalists, and many folk musicians, accuse it of being
crass, low class, pornographic, kitch, and formulaic, as well criticising it
for its exotic eastern elements. Defenders see chalga as a bridge between east
and west, as pan-Balkan entertainment, and emphasize musical unity. Chalga’s Ottoman
legacy in the form of inclusiveness and “cosmopolitanism” has been discussed as
a possible counteraction to ethnic nationalism.
I
claim that various versions of popfolk carry out specific ideological work,
some nationalist in nature. Current debates center on what it means to be
Balkan, often contrasted to what it means to be European or “modern”;
ironically, the Gypsy looms prominently in the imagery of the backward/oriental
Balkans. Roma remain the most marginalized group, but they are precisely the
group from which pop/folk appropriated its style. One the one hand, for some
opponents, chalga has become the enemy of the nation and the Roma are to blame.
On the other hand, chalga music exhibits many Romani stylistic and visual
elements, and Roma are sometimes employed in the industry. This paper, based on
20 years of ethnographic fieldwork with Roma, analyzes these contradictions.
(
Anthropology
was the brainchild of Enlightenment wherever it appeared. Influenced by the
Herderian worldview, ethnology as its continental successor soon turned its
back on the rationalist project of modernity, seeing in it the dreaded enemy of
Tradition. From the foundational period, the relationship between ethnology and
the project of modernity remained complex and paradoxical in SEE. Local
ethnologists often resolutely struggled to modernize their disciplines, making
them more competitive internationally, while at the same time developing
traditionalist and autochtonist ideological agendas on the national arena.
Later, communist ideologues attempted to reinvent a role for ethnology in their
project of forced modernization, albeit with limited and at times antimodern
results. More recently, the process of anthropologisation of SEE ethnologies
added further paradoxical twists, as the resulting occasional postmodernization
of the discipline set some anthropologists against the ideas and values of
modernity. However, yesterdays’ overconfident postmodernist reports of the
death of modernity, both in anthropology itself and in the wider society, now
seem exaggerated. After a short lived phase of neoliberal triumphalism,
legitimated by postmodernist cerebral excesses like the idea of the “end of
history”, many “core” European countries are joining the tango of instability
and unpredictability. SEE is ceasing to be the privileged “laboratory of
transformative processes”. Western and SEE anthropologists will have to join
forces to reinvent new modes of reflecting (re)appearing forms of modernity
both in science and the world at large if their disciplines are to become
“modern” again in the rapidly changing era of post postmodernity.
(
Migrartion
in recent decades has taken on new features, which demand a renegotiation of
the theoretical as well as methodological premises for its study. Globalisation
and the conditions of post-modernity have formed, ultimately, a new framework
that re-contextualises and re-configures the phenomenon of migration.
Transnationalism
has been a key-term in this process. In the new migration it refers to the fact
that the migrants’ networks of social relations, their activities and patterns
of life involve, on the whole, both home and host societies: a social field is
being formed which links up the two countries irrespectively of borders and
geographical conditions, the new migrants living inbetween and forming “hybrid”
identities.
In
this paper I question the validity of such a concept for the understanding of
migration in a specific Balkan ethnographic context, that of the Albanian-Greek
transborder area. Instead of the term “migration” I adopt the term “transborder
mobility”, deconstructing nationalist approaches to this mobility, which has
been a diachronic process in all the Balkans. The common term Kurbet, an
ottoman legacy of the Balkans, is used as a starting point in an attempt to
understand the historical background of mobility for work, examine the effects of
the establishment of national states and their borders upon it, and finally, to
interpret the new “migration” after the fall of the Albanian communist regime
and the “opening” of the border.
The
border, in its juridical-political and symbolic dimension, acquires a crucial
role in terms of theory as well as methodology and “transethnography” or
“transborder ethnography”, which are proposed as proper methods emphasizing
mobility and passage through places, to avoid difficulties that derive from
maintaining either classical or multi-sited ethnography.
Note:
The
abstracts of the papers presented in the pre-organized panels are listed in
section III (Paper Abstracts) in alphabetical order by name of the person
giving the paper.
The
papers in this panel examine how local communities have responded to the
challenges of recent economic change. Because the renewal of market capitalism
has been one of the primary changes in postsocialist countries, we focus on
three central topics in classic studies of capitalism – labor, time, and
calculation – in four cases.
Capitalism’s
distinctive qualities as an economic system are intertwined with social and cultural
factors. This system shapes labor relations, both at the level of social
structure and through ideologies about the value of work, forms of
commensuration, and leisure as labor’s antidote. Capitalist rhythms of
production also require linear and divisible forms of time and the deployment
of calculative reasoning in both economic and social activity. Historical and
ethnographic studies, however, have revealed tremendous variation in how
communities respond to “capitalist” forms of labor, time, and calculation.
Capitalist penetration is never total, as individuals and communities
“contest,” “domesticate,” and “localize,” this economic system through other
social and cultural practices.
Our
papers use examples of shifts in labor, time, and calculation to reveal the
negotiation of community identity vis-a-vis the market and state. This
negotiation happens at the interface between community and market, but as two
of the papers remind us, that interface is also often located, experienced, and
negotiated in the heart of community activities, like rituals. Thus, the
negotiation of capitalism, through labor, time, and calculation, occurs at
multiple points of everyday life. Through our discussion of new trends in
capitalism, we hope to expand the study of local economic transformation beyond
the previously dominant framework of postsocialism, and to bring our case
studies into comparison with other patterns of social change in southeast
Organizers
Jennifer
Cash, Detelina Tocheva (Max-Planck-Institute for Social Anthropology,
Halle/Saale)
Participants Discussant
Miladina Monova Nevena Dimova
Detelina Tocheva
Jennifer Cash
Monica Vasile
Existing
research into discourses and images of EU related processes and the EU’s
eastward enlargement has persuasively shown that these processes are perceived
as being oriented from the centre outwards, toward the periphery, with the
degree of “civilisation,” “modernization” and “Europeanness” decreasing in the
same direction. On the other hand, images, discourses and practices employed in
the negotiation of Europeanness on both sides of this “civilizational slope”
(Melegh 2006) are characterized by simultaneous occurrences, mutuality and
equivalence in function and nature. The proposed panel aims to relate political
processes of EU enlargement with diverse modes of practicing and negotiating
modernities in the Western Balkans, in order to show that complex processes of
the (self-)perception of societies in the Western Balkans are active agents and
participants in the process of shaping and negotiating ideas of
Three
papers have a particular focus on the shared Yugoslav legacy and the complex,
multilayered and multidirectional discourses of (self)potential and
(self)emancipatory practices related to the Europeanization discourses. The
panel aims to illumine the ways in which the postmodern ambiguity of the
accession discourses (Busch and Krzyzanowski 2007) not only provides scope for
imagining Western Balkan societies as passive, silent, and a postcolonial other
(Petrović 2009), but also produce both emanciaptory discourses on Europe
and the Balkans, and the thematisation of Europe as nostalgia or utopia.
Organizer
Ana
Hofman (Scientific Research Center of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts,
Participants
Ana Hofman
Ildiko Erdei
Tanja Petrović
This panel seeks to investigate how tourists shape local forms of rural
tourism by the latter being conveyed the role of cultural entrepreneurs for the
local heritage. The panel asserts that more attention often needs to be paid to
the way the consumer – the requirements of tourism demand – shapes locality.
Rural areas stand at a crossroads, caught between global and local flows
and processes, no longer purely associated with the
production of agricultural commodity, but seen as
locations that incorporate tourism, leisure and food production and
consumption. At the same time, globalizing frames such as UNESCO, EU policies,
Slow Food, etc. shape the production of locality. The impact on the everyday
life of targeted populations can be seen in the transformation of local regulations and policies,
the potential of creating and recreating cultural landscapes and local
architecture, etc. New and hybrid forms of tourism can transform the
physiognomy of places, with greater conformity to urban constructs than local needs.
Links between tourism and local resources emerge in a global context of
changing trends in, and pressure from, tourism demand. All this requires a
shift from “selling what we can produce” to “producing what we can sell”. Food
and gastronomy being part of the cultural tourism experience, participation in
farm or arts-and-craft activities, visits to (former)
industrial sites, together with other actions, refine and develop the
traditional displays of locality.
Organizers
Raluca Nagy (Université Libre de Bruxelles, Laboratoire d'Anthropologie des Mondes
Contemporains)
Monica Stroe (National
School of Political Sciences and Public Administration, Department of Sociology,
Participants
Raluca Nagy
Monica Stroe
Bogdan Iancu
Marko Stojanović
In
the Ottoman Balkans and
However,
on the whole, the Balkans remained latecomers in mass photography until the
early 1990s. Transition was accompanied not only by the introduction of digital
cameras but also by other digital media. Photography lost its privilege of
visual representation in favor of the video camera.
No
systematic research has been conducted on the relationship of the photo camera,
representation and (post)modernity in the region. Recent work has situated the
image and the camera as key elements in an intersection between modernity and a
critique of modernity. Photography is not only a product of particular social
and cultural environments, but also a force that itself accelerates change and
transformation. Yet the idea of an objective representation of the visual has
long been questioned with far reaching implications for the basic premises of
modernity. The ambiguity of the meaning of images questions the idea of an
“ultimate truth” and entails a profound epistemological shift from modernity to
postmodernity. The challenge of the realistic paradigm also has far-reaching
consequences for ethnographic practice and our understanding of the
photographic visual in terms of methodology and interpretation. The panel
therefore aims at inspiring research into emic and etic photographic visual representation,
as well as into vernacular theory construction of visual representation in the
Balkans.
Organizers
Robert
Pichler (
Karl
Kaser (
Participants
Martina Baleva
Anelia Kassabova
Nenad Radić
Simona Čupić
Robert Pichler
Margit Rohringer
Pursuing Arjun Appadurai’s question concerning
“the nature of locality, as lived experience, in a globalized,
deterritorialized world” (Appadurai 1991: 196), this panel aims at delineating
the relation between practices, conceptions and imaginations of place in rural
(border) areas of the former Yugoslavia, as well as in the urban contexts of
cities such as Mostar, Sarajevo and Belgrade. The contributors are focusing on
hitherto neglected spatial aspects of the politics, and ask how, despite the
incessant shifting of borders, institutions,
divisions (along ethnic/political/religious lines), and identities, local actors
constitute public space.
Arguing in opposition to the current predominant
deconstructivist approaches that land- and cityscapes cannot be read like texts
but should instead be seen as effectively experienced through dwelling,
movement, utilization and/or inscription, our panel proposes an understanding
of space that combines physical, imagined and social aspects of the
environment. Taking into consideration the materiality of space as well as
people’s embodied, imagined and lived social relations with their surroundings,
the contributors touch on topics such as everyday “spatial practices” (Michel
de Certeau), political iconographies and visual techniques of appropriation
and/or metamorphoses of public space, the (in)visible and (im)material modalities of borders,
the rescaling of territorial administrative categories in processes of
state-formation as well as the geopolitics of mobility regulation.
Historical landscapes and continuously changing
cityscapes are both material and meaning, defined through phenomenological
interaction and experience. They are shaped by visible historic interpretations
as well as by meanings and interpretations related to them. We argue that
memories, as well as ongoing commentaries, are attached to specific land- and
cityscapes and thus have the potential to become sources for (re-)writing the
local histories that have been ignored or neglected by official historiography.
Accordingly, this panel is concerned with deciphering the inscriptions and
attributions of historical narratives in rural and urban spaces in the context
of post-socialist and post-war transformations.
Organizer
Michaela Schäuble (Seminar für
Ethnologie, Martin-Luther Universität Halle-Wittenberg)
Participants
Michaela Schäuble,
Larissa Vetters
Ana Aceska
Daniel
Šuber
This panel
is open for anthropologists/ethnologists interested in the theme of the revival
of traditional religious rituals in different parts of
We
would like to concentrate on public celebrations that incorporate processions,
i.e. the ritual circumambulation of the settlement, as part of the celebration
of the protecting saint of a church, village, or town. In presenting the
material, a short history of the revival of the rituals is welcomed. The focus
should concern the extent to which the basic characteristics of these rituals
have changed in comparison to pre-socialist times, these being: space, time,
actors (organizers and participants), activities, verbal messages and
artifacts. We would also like to discuss how different local contexts determine
varied modes of celebrations, such as environmental conditions (landscape and
climate), demographic structure (newcomers vs old timers), urban/rural
settings, ethnic, religious and political affiliations, class and other social
divides.
Through
a comparative approach we will thus be searching for an answer as to how the
revival of traditional ritual forms in the past two decades is connected with
various (post)modern processes in
Organizer
Vesna Vučinić-Nešković
(Philosophical Faculty,
Participants
Jakša Primorac
Marinella Vuševa
Vesna Vučinić-Nešković
(Department of Sociology,
Humboldt University, Berlin)
The city of Mostar in Bosnia-Herzegovina has a very peculiar urban
history. At the beginning of the 1990s it witnessed two major urban
transformations: from a "united" to a “divided” and from a socialist
to a post-socialist city. This “accumulation of conflicts” brought many urban
changes: there is a street serving as a borderline that vastly structures the
lives of the city dwellers; the names of many streets and squares changed
together with their role in the lives of the locals from the two sides of the
city; “the mall” became an important community meeting place; the modes of
entertainment in public space modified and the city dwellers recognize (as my
fieldwork data shows) that many practices related to “the city” (like “coffee
drinking” or “evening walks along the promenades”) changed and dislocated in
post-war times. In the local press and the various other local “conversations”
about “the city” these spatial changes are imagined, remembered and represented
in various ways. One of the most visible of them gathers around the idea that
in post-war times Mostar lost its "dusha" (soul).
This paper will look at the content of two local journals, “Most” and
“Mostariensia”, published in Mostar before and after the last war, and will try
to make an anthropological assessment of how the various post-war urban
transformations of Mostar are being imagined, remembered and represented in
these two local journals. The main source of data will be the various
historical, anthropological, sociological and artistic articles in these two
journals that have the post-war urban transformation of Mostar as their main
theme of thinking.
(Institute of Folklore "Marko Cepenkov",
Skopje)
Under the influence of the industrial revolution between the two Worlds
Wars, a great number of Vlachs in the Republic of Macedonia left their nomadic
style of life and moved to villages, later to settle in towns and participate
in industry. Following this period labeled as a socialistic self-managing
Society, characteristic of the Former Yugoslavia in its dissolution and
transition period over the last two decades, a new environment, new life
conditions, and changes in the type of economy have arisen.
In analyzing folklore material collected among the Vlach, it has been
shown that storytelling was a necessary means for transmitting their specific way
of life. A large number of indicators were used in the survey (sex, age,
education, religion, financial status) through which the author determined the
social origin of the Vlach storytellers. This paper deals mainly with their
occupation as a determinant factor, for the following reason: an occupation is
the sum of the same or similar working activities having a number of social and
economic characteristics. These characteristics are classified in two groups:
1. Cattle-breeders, i.e. those who are directly occupied with cattle-breeding
and the members of such a family, and 2. Craftsmen, i.e. members of a
craftsman's family.
Each storyteller is connected directly to everyday life through his
occupation. As a result, differences arise among storytellers in that some of
them like to add details while others pay closer attention to the traditional
way of storytelling, etc.
(
This paper focuses on the ways in which
Albanian immigrants in Greece construct the ‘western’ dimension of their
identity, thus claiming their inclusion to the ‘western’ world. According to
social and political scientists, as well as in the public image, the ‘West’ is
identified with modernity, i.e. the departure from anything that is
conceptualized as traditional, old custom, irrational and uncivilized. Albanian
society is conceived as a ‘traditional’ one, far from modern society,
differentiated to the ‘West’. This differentiation is constructed historically
– Ottoman era, building of the national state, socialist period – and
synchronically, i.e. after the collapse of the socialist regime (both inside
the country and in the context of external migration). The study is based on
material from an extensive period of fieldwork research in a rural area
(1996-1997), and from two research projects in Athens (2004-2005 and
2006-2007), including participant observation and interviews. It is also based
on a brief research trip in Albania in August 2006. The paper studies how
during particular phases and in particular settings of migration, Albanian
immigrants, differentiated by gender and age, display different aspects of
themselves – perceptions, practices and features of their lives – in order to
legitimize their ‘western’ identity. Through this process, Albanian immigrants
face specific needs and interests; they pursue diverse goals; they speak about
their past and present experiences; they value and organize their lives in
Greece; and finally they plan their future.
(
The Craiovita neighbourhood was built during the Communist period of the
'70s, designed specifically for workers comming from a rural environment and
working in the big industries of Craiova at that time.
The
rituals of "passage" (birth, marriage, burial) are a specific part of
the day-to-day life of the inhabitants of the socialist blocks of flats. For
instance, in observing the marriage ritual, one notices that its contents
involve a series of sequences taken from the traditional Romanian ritual with
some adaptations: the shaving of the groom, the arrival of the godparents, the
departure of the bride and groom from the building, the ring dance in front of
the stairway, the assembly leaving for church, accompanied by an accordionist.
The wedding takes place in a restaurant rented months before.
The
show awarded by this ritual gather many of the inhabitants from neighbouring
blocks of flats.
Qu’arrive-t-il,
aux anciens ancrages iconiques indispensables à la réalisation du Soi intime ?
Quels sont les ancrages des immigrants ? Vivant en Occident
certains individus renforcent un « Je » cosmopolite qui se prouve cependant
trop fragile pour se perpétuer quand il se heurte contre le « Nous »
communautaire ? Pourquoi, certains individus incorporent-ils aisément
l’altérité et le cosmopolitisme tandis que les autres tendent à renforcer la
tradition créant des formes idiosyncrasiques, voire de nouvelles traditions
(Hobsbawm) ? Ces différences peuvent être interprétées
autant comme des formes de résistance au changement que comme des pratiques de
valorisation intime (empowering).
Souhaitant
contribuer aux débats qui entourent la nature de la postmodernité dans le
contexte roumain, je propose d’explorer quelques dynamiques de l’émergence des
formes de métissage et l’ambivalence culturelle indicible.
Ma présentation s’appuie sur une recherche
empirique réalisée sur une douzaine de familles de migrants roumains
saisonniers en Europe
(The
Folklore Archive of the
This case study comprises research into the ceremonial bonfires of St
Dumitru (October 25th), in Arges County on the Valea Doamnei, where we used
ethno-visual methodologies to investigate the local syntax devoted to unborn
dead children. Bonfires are lit by children and youth, fir trees cut down, and
the performance of the bonfire involves all age categories. This all leads to
the central meaning of the ceremony, which is the giving of alms to children
and youth by women for the souls of their aborted children, of those dead at
birth, and of those dead who were un-christened. Beyond the concrete symbolism
of light and warmth for the departed, this custom makes one shudder in its
confesional dimension, which is very important within a traditional society: by
their mere presence with alms by the bonfires, women confess an abortion and
the community affirms its multifarious forms of solidarity. It should be noted
that the custom continued uninterrupted during Ceausescu’s time, even after the
law against abortion, when this would risk heavy punishment. Interviews here
revealed profound layers in the relation of life to death in a rural region of
Romania, especially as this ceremony assists what is usually assisted by rites
of passage: birth coinciding with death (as an act of the supreme failure of
life), un-consumed life, abortion as a refusal of fertility, all inside a rural
society where calendrical ceremoniality stands above all for celebrating,
stimulating and defending fertility.
Our
working hypothesis addresses the experiential foundation, both concrete and
cognitive, of the narrative-ceremonial complex from rural traditional areas.
(Institute of Cultural Anthropology of
Tirana)
Several publications concerning the
anthropology of post-socialism are dedicated to the distribution of land. This
only remains purposeful if the study of this phenomenon is closely related to
social morphology, legitimacy of politics, collective identities, and the state
authority, etc. The ethnography and analysis presented by anthropologists noted
that theories of transition (called transitology), especially regarding land
regime, are inadequate, taking different forms when faced with different social
realities at a local and national level. Regarding the distribution of land by
the state, it is observed that different systems and regimes have been
implemented. On one hand, the state has employed the principle of restitution,
while on the other it has employed the principle of distribution, with
combinations of the two systems also in existence. This presentation will focus
on analyzing the distribution of land in a context where state law exists but
land is distributed according to the traditional law, called Kanun. It will
explore the ways in which social structures served as systems for the
transmission of Kanun knowledge during and after communism, how such knowledge
was used in post-socialist time to de-legitimize the state law, and conversely,
how traditional land law was used during and after communism to maintain social
structure.
(
This paper will present the results of research that focuses on the
impact of highway construction on a rural community directly involved and
affected by this process.
Quite
recently, a small part of the highway linking Cluj (Transylvania) with Budapest
has been opened and is currently functional. Its construction has diverse
meanings and has had diverse consequences for the inhabitants of a few villages
near Cluj, as they are placed in the strict vicinity of the current highway.
Part of the highway is clearly placed on certain ex-land parcels belonging to
villagers who have inherited, transmitted and symbollically internalized it
down the ages.
This
paper will analyze the current situation in Savadisla, a village affected where
the inhabitants are facing different problems related to the changes. The
village is well known, situated in the ethnographic area of Calata
(Transylvania), comprising mixed ethnic groups
(Hungarian,
Romanian, Roma and, recently, a few Italian families). Essentially, through
collecting current narratives on highway construction, I am going to approach
issues such as the following: the ways in which current interethnic relations
are renegotiated in the present context; whether there is a new dynamic of
marginal groups and the “nouveau riche”; aspects related to cultural patrimony
demonstrated in the villagers’ views and direct responses to the new challenges
and the strategies they are adapting, etc.
The
methods I use will be mainly life histories.
(Max Planck Institute for
Social Anthropology, Halle/Saale)
This paper considers the balance of work and leisure imagined, created,
and experienced through the observance of holidays and other ritual occassions.
Throughout history, changes in the economy and in ritual cycles have
correlated, reflecting and enabling the appearance of new ideologies and
practices related to work and/or leisure. This is especially true for the
modern period, both from the initial appearance of capitalism and
industrialism, and in the twentieth-century efforts of states to engineer and
better control economic development. The Soviet Union, for example, transformed
the cycle of annual holidays in its constituent republics with the intent of
spreading political ideology and increasing economic productivity and
efficiency. While there is a rich literature about the surprising effects of
Soviet policies concerning holidays and rituals, there has been no sustained
study of post-Soviet or postsocialist transformations in ritual cycles and
their connection to changing economic practices and ideologies.
This
paper examines the transformation of the ritual cycle in Moldova, considering
both public holidays and other widespread celebrations. There are three primary
questions to be addressed: 1) how do changes in ritual reflect changing
conceptions of time and patterns of time-use, 2) how do changing patterns of
time-use intersect with economic activity, and 3) which agent - the state,
market, or local communities - has been the most effective in transforming the
ritual cycle to its own interests?
(Oriental Studies, Università Ca' Foscari, Venice)
The number of edifices, testifying to the
Ottoman culture and civilization in South Eastern Europe and particularly in
Greece, decrease each day. For this reason, it is very urgent to take charge of
the remaining monuments, often misunderstood as “Byzantine”, by taking
photographs, measuring them, drawing their plans and elevations and documenting
their inscriptions. Cultural heritage is a witness to the history of a country.
Each historical influence, such as the Islamic influence, contributes in a
specific way to a growing heritage, thus enriching cultural diversity and
giving shape to specific, complex, stratified cultural identity, as is the case
for countries in South-Eastern Europe. The economic, political and social
changes South-Eastern Europe underwent during the last fifteen years have
contributed to make local populations aware of the exigency of reaffirming
their cultural identities and cultural heritage. Nowadays, in some of these
countries, protection of the Ottoman architectural heritage is very limited or
almost absent; sometimes the monuments stand in a very dilapidated state. Also,
the damages caused in the last century by wars are still visible and sometimes,
unfortunately, irreversible. What is required now is a guiding strategic plan,
which will define the heritage and explain institutional responsibilities and
practices. The plan should also be made clearly comprehensible to the general
public, emphasizing its role in the appreciation and protection of the
heritage, which is shared by all citizens of South-Eastern Europe. This paper
will focus on the development of Islamic cultural heritage in Albania.
(Romanian Peasant Museum of Bucharest,
The purpose of this paper is to analyze the importance of economic
factors in establishing social networks between "entrepreneurs" of
rural tourism. Sociability is studied from the perspective of owners of tourist
pensions who develop certain relationships with other members of their
community working in the same area. The paper therefore considers the
relationships that are created according to criteria of belonging to the common
practices of exchange/exclusion within the group and also outside of it.
The
question is posed as to whether modernity submits the relationship between
rural actors to a reflexivity exercise. To test this argument, knowledge is
sought as to whether the rural world is able to align itself with modernity by
assuming the power of individual action, through a rationalization of the
actions of the rural actors, here called "new" peasants. Where does
sociability end for owners of guesthouses when they relate to other
"entrepreneurs" working in the same field of activity? Does tourism
generate conflicts, exclusion and antagonism between these persons or, on the
contrary, solidarity? Can we talk about solidarity born of professional
practices? What element prevails in establishing solidarity with another
person: kinship, neighborhood, friendship or responsibilities deriving from a
superior status?
Saying
this, we are assuming that competitive economic contexts, and elements
"acquired" by the experience of tourism, superimposed on a
traditional cultural pattern, give the owners the choice of a network of action
to satisfy their needs related to tourism practices.
(West University, Timisoara)
Today, lifestyle is an important instrument in the definition of social
identity and it represents a very important theme for anthropological and
sociological research. The novelty of this study is that it focuses on
teenagers from an urban intercultural enviroment on the one hand, and on a
comparative analysis between the lifestyles of urban youth and those from rural
areas (a village from Timiș County, Romania) on the other.
The
prime objective is to identify the main dimensions of the lifestyles of young
people representing a target population. The target group is formed from
adolescents enrolled in secondary school education (middle school, high school,
school of arts and crafts) from both urban and rural areas. From the urban area
a heterogenous group was selected (pupils from a highschool in Timisoara) that
presents differences in terms of culture, ethnicity, religion and housing. In
the rural area, the target group was also formed from teenagers enrolled in an
educational program in the current academic year. A questionnaire was used for
the young people in the urban area and a semi-directive interview for the
comparative analysis. Some main dimensions of the lifestyles of these teenagers
can be observed: there are "conservative teenagers”, who value the family
and education; "religious teenagers”, for whom religion is very important;
and "modern teenagers”, for whom the most important value is leisure. This
of course underlines the importance of further analysis within this
anthropolgical theme.
(Political Science Department, University of
Bucarest)
Cette présentation se propose d’analyser
sur plusieurs paliers la question de la présence des symboles religieux dans
l’espace public postcommuniste roumain, notamment dans des institutions
publiques comme l’école. Il s’agit exclusivement des symboles religieux orthodoxes
- les icônes - et l’analyse sera centrée particulièrement sur la période 2006 –
2008, lorsqu’il y a eu un débat public et une mise en question de cet aspect
chargé d’enjeux politiques et culturels. De même, je tenterai d’opérer une
contextualisation dans un questionnement plus large sur la nature de la
relation Eglise-Etat et sur la validité du paradigme de la séparation
Eglise-Etat, associable traditionnellement à un idéal, voire stéréotype de
société occidentale démocratique-libérale, dont l'implantation en Roumanie
reste pourtant problématique. Le
niveau macro de la recherche vise, d’une part, le cadre normatif-législatif
réglementant les questions tenant au rapport de la sphère religieuse avec celle
publique. D'autre part, on observera dans de grandes lignes le contenu du débat
public autour de la question ouverte en 2006, s’il y a des positions partisanes
articulées dans ce débat, si les principaux partis ont au niveau identitaire
des positions concernant la problématique de la laïcité/neutralité de l’Etat,
si le clivage droite-gauche se relève pertinent dans ce sens et quelle serait
la légitimité des positions pro-laïcité/neutralité. Le niveau micro se penchera
sur la manière dont des citoyens roumains de diverses appartenances ou
convictions religieuses aperçoivent la présence des symboles religieux
orthodoxes dans l'espace public et les facteurs qui ont influencé leurs
perceptions.
(University
of Belgrade)
Attitudes towards the way of dressing are
expressed as aspects of cultural integration and economic and social
disintegration, which may be followed in various forms of visual culture
(painting, sculpture, daily and periodical publications, photographs…). The
disappearance of national costumes in Serbian society corresponds to the
process of modernization and a higher quality of life. Clothes were a
denotation of social status. How quickly the latest fashion objects could be
acquired, their quality, origin or way of being made are some of the indicators
of the social position of the person wearing them, but also of other forms of
social differentiation: marital status, gender, profession and even political
identity. However, the fact remains that clothing has often been simply an
external manifestation underlining mimicry rather than a genuine acceptance of
new values. Despite being the most trivial sign, clothing was the easiest
denotation of status that could be noticed. From satin, fur and jewelry, to
parasols and gloves, the language of the way people dressed provided evidence
concerning class anatomy. In this paper, the role and place of fashion in the
construction of a bourgeois identity will be analyzed and presented as a visual
space of both disintegration and integration of the primordial and the modern,
and an indicator of the rural-middle class transformation and personification
of the new society born upon the foundations of such integration.
(University of Bucharest)
The ambiguities between a “traditional" or "modern” organizing
core for discourse in the social sciences became apparent when the
"modern", in its colonial and postcolonial forms, had to confront not
only its "traditional” or archaic origins, but also different non-western
modernities.
Non-western
modernity appears as a never ending incomplete project of “modernization”
steered by an enlightened elite. South Eastern Europe has sometimes been
construed as the location of a deficient or totally different modernity.
Paragons of modernity like the industrial revolution or the capitalist
patterning of social life “were born and grew outside countries where Orthodoxy
has been the dominant religion” (Kokosalakis 1995: 234).
Modernity
in non-western, “peripheral” areas comes, nonetheless, with deep European
genealogies, in the vision of man given by the Enlightenment as harbinger of
universal and secular values: equality, human rights, freedom of speech, moral
autonomy of the subject, and so on. Non-western engagement with European
thought often entailed a “weapons of the weak” strategy (Scott 1987). In the
same way that subaltern classes and the have-nots confront dominant classes by
using the resources of public discourse for framing specific interests, nationalist
elites can confront European colonial/imperial elites through European thought.
This is one of the reasons why European genealogies of political thought are
both “indispensable and inadequate” in understanding modernities and modernisms
of non-western regions (Chakrabarty 2000).
This
paper proposes, by confronting Chakrabarty and Mitchell’s analysis with East
European modernities, a way of understanding modernity that goes further than
the “different modernities”.
(Johann-Wolfgang-Goethe-Universität
Frankfurt am Main)
Die zwei
Jahrhunderte österreichisch-ungarischer Verwaltung prägten Timisoara im Stil
der Großstädte der Doppelmonarchie. Die Sanierung der insgesamt 14.500
Altbauten und damit Wiederherstellung des „typischen Charakters“ Timisoaras ist
angesichts der als vorbildlich geltenden Entwicklungen im Westen Europas nicht
nur wünschenswert sondern unumgänglich, zumal u.a. seitens der EU hohe Summen
für die Förderung der altbaugerechten Sanierung in Aussicht gestellt wurden.
Die Stadt sowie ihre Berater und Unterstützer aus dem Westen sind bemüht, den
dort vertretenen Umgang mit Denkmälern in Osteuropa umzusetzen.
Zwar betont man in Timisoara,
sich als Erbe der Zeit, die diese Denkmale hervorgebracht hat, und in
kultureller Verbundenheit mit ihr zu verstehen. Doch die historische und
kulturelle Bedeutung der Gebäude scheint für die Bewohner nicht mit der
Substanz selbst verbunden zu sein. In Timisoara ist allerorten die Veränderung,
Ergänzung und zuweilen Zerstörung, zumindest aber Nichtbeachtung des Alten
sichtbar. Beispielsweise sind, bis auf wenige Ausnahmen, die Fassaden der
Altbauten geprägt von Umbau- und Umgestaltungsmaßnahmen im Sinne des
ästhetischen Empfindens und Repräsentationsbedürfnisses ihrer Besitzer.
Dies drängt die Frage nach
einem normativen, von einer westlichen Sicht und Empfindungsweise geprägten
Diskurs über die Sanierung baulichen Erbes auf – und gegebenenfalls den Folgen
einer solchen Normierung für eine Gesellschaft, die diese Werte nicht
nachvollziehen kann. Der hier vorgeschlagene Vortrag bietet die Möglichkeit,
vor der Folie gesellschafts- und kulturanalytischer sowie kulturhistorischer
Fragestellungen, Aussagen zu formulieren über lokale und gesamteuropäische
(Selbst-)Imaginationen, (Werte-)Diskurse und dem Einzug der (Post-)Moderne in
osteuropäische Länder.
(New
Bulgarian University,
Increasingly one can see a growing number of fathers tending to their
young children in the public playgrounds of the big cities in Bulgaria,
especially Sofia. An unusual sight in the past, more fathers currently take
care of their young children either during usual work/business hours or before
and after work. This project seeks to explore changing patterns of parenting in
a central neighborhood of Sofia and their relation to political, social and
economic processes of transformation in Bulgaria after 1989. It asks what this
relatively new phenomenon tells us about the gender of the labor market, social
organization and state services, and changes in gender ideologies and the
practices of urban families with young children in post socialist Bulgaria.
This
paper is based on two months of ethnographic research among families who
frequent several childrens playgrounds in the “Lozenetz” neighborhood of Sofia.
Through three family scenarios, the roles and responsibilities of men and women
within and outside of their homes were studied. This was in order to trace
changing gender relations and connect them to the context of social politics
and practices in the Bulgarian state, fluctuations in the labor market, and the
personal choices of individuals.
In
comparison to socialist family models, this paper shows that both competitive
models and models of relative equality of gender relations within urban
families have been constructed since 1989. These practices are also possible
because of the appearance of new roles such as the “super man”, “equal
partner”, and “active father”, associating some men in Bulgaria with active
participation in the private space of the famiy.
(West University, Timisoara)
This study focuses on the changes in work
opportunities in a small commune near the Danube called Coronini. As with all
the nearby communes during the communist era, Coronini had great capacity in
terms of labour opportunities due to the presence of an industrial mining
giant. The labour enviroment was very stable for a long period of time during
the communist era and the arrival of democracy has challenged the active
population to adapt to a completely new enviroment. The collapse of the
communist regime has brought the collapse of industrial giants all over the
country. The local quiddity (a commune formed by two very different villages,
Coronini and Sfanta Elena, distinguished by ethnical, demographical and
geographical criteria) has given rise to different coping strategies. For
Coronini, whose population is formed strictly of ethnic Romanians, localization
near the border and Danube has brought incredible opportunities (petrol
smuggling during the Serbian war, the possibility of commerce across the
Serbian borders, fishing as a traditional occupation, etc). The village of
Sfanta Elena, whose population is formed strictly of ethnic Czechs, has more
limited geographical and natural resources. Our study describes the local
labour history from 1989 until the present day and presents an analysis of the
similarities and differences between these two Romanian villages in terms of
the historical development of the labour enviroment, coping strategies, and
preservation and inovation in labour opportunities. A semi-directive interview
and document analiysis were used, as well as participatory observation, in
order to collect the foundational information of our study.
(Ethnographical Institute, Serbian Academy
of Sciences, Belgrade)
In Serbia both customary and civil law have
been simultaneously implemented for more than a century. Parallel functioning
of these systems, which are diametrically opposed both structurally and in
content, represents a specific legal dualism. The existence of legal dualism
and parallelism is evident in various spheres of law. This paper will observe
such dualism and parallelism within the institution of inheritance, inheritance
law being the sphere where, according to theoretical and ethnographic
literature and field-work data, they are largely manifested. In other words,
this dualism/parallelism is manifested with almost the same intensity from the
moment of its emergence in the mid 19th century until the present day. Previous
ethnological and anthropological research into customary law in Serbia showed
that parallel use of customary and civil law represents a social problem sui
generis. In the present era this determines, on the one hand, the
re-examination of the role and power of customary law within civil law, and on
the other, the role and power of civil law in overcoming social problems (such
as gender discrimination, for example). In light of this, the aim of this paper
is to discuss, through analyzing field work data such as statements from
informants and court archive data from the Vranje region of Serbia, the
question of the role of customary law in the construction and preservation of
patriarchal cultural models in the area of inheritance, as well as the role of
civil law as an example of public policy that tries to change existing social
realities.
(Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian
Academy of Sciences, Belgrade)
According to many anthropologies and sociologies the collapse of
communism and the emergence of a new nationalism in a number of post-communist
countries resulted in religious revival. After the communist period of
1989/1990 in Romania and Serbia, the number of those declaring themselves to be
"believers” considerably increased. This religious growth also meant a
moving away from traditional religious expressions towards new religious forms.
Focusing on the process of converting to Neo-Protestantism after the communist
era until the present day, this aticle aims to present results of ethnographic
fieldwork conducted from 2008 in different Romanian villages in Vojvodina
province, Serbia. The majority of Romanians in Serbia belong to the Romanian
Orthodox Church, but during the last decade the number of Neo-Protestant
churches has increased. This article explores how different religious groups,
often stigmatized in public discourse, such as Nazarenes, Seventh-day
Adventists, Pentecostals, Jehovah Witnesses and Baptists, influenced the
religious changes that have taken place over the last decade. Even though these
religious communities were established at the end of the 19th and beginning of
the 20th century, they are often perceived as new forms of religiosity in this
region, having become more visible and numerous after the communist period,
especially among ethnic minorities. In addressing these issues, this article
explores the role of new religious identities that have emerged in the region,
the historical continuity of Neo-Protestant communities, and their
transformation during different historical periods.
(Université de Bucarest & l'École des Hautes Études en Sciences
Sociales, Marseille)
Depuis plus de trente ans le paysage complexe des « nouvelles »
conjugalités contemporaines se trouve au cœur des réflexions internationales
sur la famille et la vie privée, des réflexions qui cherchent à saisir en profondeur
les significations, les attentes et les valeurs de référence qui organisent
aujourd’hui la vie en couple. Qu’en est-il en Roumanie ? À la suite d’un régime
totalitaire imposant le modèle de la famille nucléaire légitime largement
répandue, l’après 1989 connaît des transformations profondes des
représentations et des pratiques de la vie à deux. Ces transformations,
évidemment plus visibles chez les plus jeunes, concernent à la fois le
développement de l’union libre, la progressive émergence des valeurs
démocratiques, les transformations lentes mais profondes du mariage lui-même.
On dispose pourtant encore de peu de recherches et de données qui rendent
compte de ces mutations. Cette communication présente les résultats de la
première enquête sociologique dédiée au couple non marié en Roumanie. Cette
enquête qualitative fondée sur près d’une centaine d’entretiens permet de
déceler en profondeur les métamorphoses contemporaines du lien de conjugalité.
Nous nous proposons ainsi d’observer comment se redéfinit aujourd’hui la
catégorie du couple, et en particulier la façon dont les représentations, les
pratiques et les valeurs intègrent la question de l’égalité de sexe, et comment
les transformations en cours témoignent de l’inscription de la Roumanie dans un
certain sens de l’évolution de la modernité contemporaine. Ce travail s’inscrit
dans une enquête comparative Roumanie – France.
(
This article analyzes the contemporary
conditions under which democracy and capitalism are intertwined during the
transitional processes of post-socialist states and the discrepancies that lie
within that relation. A significant link between neoconservative ideology and
the growth of neoliberal “free” market consensus replaces the “Godless”
socialist past and all historical traces with a proclaimed morale, in order for
integration to take place during transition. We refer to that discrepancy as a
“void” and analyze its role in creating modes of life, and its function not
only in the social, economic and cultural gap between the “developed” and the
transitional, but also as the space where neoconservative/populist and neoliberal
dimensions of the regime overlap in relation to the dominant order. In
conclusion, the analysis tackles the notion of resistance and its consequences,
such as ethnic divisions and fundamentalism, within the designated pretenses of
transition.
(Francisc I. Rainer Institute of
Anthropology, Bucharest)
This paper examines the link between an
ancient ritual called pomana (food and drink offered for the souls of the
dead), agricultural work-exchange and the annual reinforcement of social ties
among neighbors, family and friends. In this paper I highlight the fact that in
postsocialist agricultural conditions, work-exchange is the most rational
response to a highly fragmented land of a rural population involved in both the
industrial sector and in subsistence agriculture. Work-exchange is usually
practiced among relatives, godparents and neighbors. This paper links the
religious act of offering food and drink for the souls of the dead in certain
periods of the year to the necessity of preserving and reinforcing social ties
through which agricultural land is worked. In ethnographic literature pomana
has been analyzed as a purely religious act, a link between people and their
ancestors. However, it will be shown that pomana is not just a religious act
but a response to the incertitude of the economic environment and to the
necessity of working the cropland. This paper also argues against mainstream
literature on social security in postsocialist countries, which claims that
social networks have been weakened in postsocialism. On the contrary, I show
that a postsocialist economic environment strengthened social networks by using
traditional forms such as pomana. This picture is further complicated by
bringing an ethnic factor into the analysis. Ethnic minorities, especially
those marginalized at the national level, such as Roma and Rudari, are both excluded
from pomana and from the work-exchange circuit.
(University College London)
My research explores the
recent success of radical nationalist mobilization across CEE, at the present
juncture of postsocialist transition and democratic development, as the new
cultural politics emerging in response to the multiple impacts of integration
into a transnational state project. This is expressed in the significant
electoral gains of political parties Ataka and Jobbik, and the associated
phenomena of uniformed mass power in the face of the Bulgarian and Hungarian
National Guards. I explore the ways these movements are able to reshape and
homogenize local socio-economic grievances, many of which are linked
rhetorically to the presence of burdensome Gypsies in various parts of society,
into communal subjectivities underpinning new cultural-nationalist projects.
The political attempt to link the search for lost or disappearing
socio-cultural solidarities with a new way of imagining society, as a reaction
against ‘impoverished social meanings and degraded moral claims’ driven today
by intensive Eurointegration, termed ‘integralist politics’ by anthropologist
Douglas Holmes, is the position my study takes. I examine the culturalization
of the political field providing the wider conditions of opportunity for this
new politics, and the fundamental shift in the construction of difference as
incompatibility and supposedly culturally distinct behaviour, underpinning the
success of nationalist politics and placing ‘the Gypsy issue’ at its center. I
also look at the ways complex local structures of power and contestation, and
struggles over resources have shaped the receptiveness towards these new ways
of thinking about the ties that bind and connect citizens in modern Europe.
(Leibniz
Institute for Regional Geography, Leipzig)
Change did not only come to Slovenia after 1991, but also became a
relevant issue when Slovenia became a full member of the European Union in 2004.
The country was then finally projected into European and global competition and
its capital, Ljubljana, was also affected by these processes. Ljubljana was
catapulted into a global city competition where the development of a unique
profile is essential. At the same time, in knowledge-based societes formation
of the urban is driven by the concpet of creativity. When applying the creative
city concept to new contexts, a dualistic process can be observed: the original
concept of the creative city changes as well as its context into which it is
translated, due to different cultural, social and economical backgrounds.
This
paper asks whether the process of translating the creative city concept, which
is closely related to the topic of creative industries, is taking place in
Ljubljana, and if so, in what way this fitting into context appears. It also
asks whether Ljubljana is trying to shape something new and whether it makes
concessions to the supranational scale in order to fulfill expectations in
urban competition and within the EU. The paper thus shows how Europeanization
can be observed in Southeast Europe whilst looking at processes of cultural
production and the process of diffusing EU values and urban structures in new
contexts.
(Faculty of Philosophy,
Belgrade University)
This presentation will focus on the relations between notions of
modernity, culture and democracy that constitute part of the public discourse
related to the opening of IKEA in Serbia. After its short presence in the
former Yugoslavia at the end of the eighties, the Belgrade store was the first
ever to be closed, and the very first place where IKEA withdrew due to the
outbreak of the war. Ever since, there has been a longing for the re-opening of
an IKEA store both in private spheres and the public arena, always constituting
a part of some kind of pre-election promise and a token of “final”
modernization and democratization of society.
Debates concerning the IKEA store can be understood as interplay between
the desired modernization and Europeanization of the consumption choices and
possibilities of the Serbian consumer, as well as hesitating state policy
towards accession to Europe. They can also be understood “genealogically” as a
proof of the longstanding presence of the ideas, ideals, memories and
historical practices connected with the legacy of socialism. These range from
the preference for a Scandinavian type of modernity and (social) democracy
(exemplified in the political promise of Milosevic’s government at the
beginning of the 1990s to strive for a “Swedish standard of living”), to the
memories of a type of modern furniture from IKEA that is “our own”, produced by
“Sloveniales”, and nostalgic accounts of Yugoslav modernity.
(Dokuz Eylul University,
Alevis in Turkey have allegiance to the Twelve Imams, who are
patrilineal descendants of the Prophet Muhammad’s cousin and son-in-law Imam
Ali, remaining clearly distinct from Iranian Shiism. Throughout history Alevis have
been discredited and persecuted by the Sunni orthodoxy, and they have been
marginalized since the 16th century. Within this religiously marginalized and
closed social structure they formed their own rules and thus drew apart from
the direction of central authorities. The cem ritual officiated by the dede
appears as the most significant phenomenon in this process. Holding a central
significance in cem rituals, songs (deyişes and nefes’) and dances
(semahs) are simultaneously perceived as an expression of faith.
The
Alevi ritual songs were ontologically separated from the ceremonies, together
with the development of the recording industry and the state-run mass media in
the 1950s. This religiously specific and contextually embedded musical
tradition became an omnipresent product through the production and
dissemination of its recordings in the 1990s. Today there are several
discernible stylistic categories in contemporary Alevi musical practice,
including traditional, modern and postmodern forms. These are all concerned
with authenticity. I will analyze these preferences in looking at the strategy
of the revivalists. This approach will allow a turning away from questions
directed towards defining the “essentialist traits” of Alevi musical culture
towards questions of how the music is used by musicians in contemporary culture.
(Institute of Ethnography, Serbian Academy
of Sciences, Belgrade)
Until last year, due to the strict visa regime, years of isolation, and
inability to travel freely, Serbia’s citizens were relatively restricted in
their contact with European countries. However, the rapid development of the
internet in the first decade of 21st century has allowed greater access to
information, as well as exposure to various social networks that are an
integral part of the synthetic world, in wich Massively Multiplayer Online
Games played a significant role.
The
analysis of comments made by the players of World of Worcraft (the largest
MMORPG, with more than eleven million players throughout the world) will
address how the players from Serbia fit into the global community of WoW
players, how they feel about the world without borders, and how playing within
this synthetic world better influences offline communication and integration
into contemporary European and world trends.
(Institut für
Volkskunde/Europäische Ethnologie der Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München)
Die sich demokratisierende
bulgarische Öffentlichkeit nach 1989 erklärte die journalistische Sprache für
eine der „schuldigen“, weil ideologisch am stärksten belasteten Sprachen, die
dem Regime gedient hatten. Die Folge war die bis heute andauernde „Emigration“
(Georgi Lozanov) der journalistischen Sprache in die Alltagsrede, die, von
ideologischen Zwängen befreit, als einzige die totalitäre Welt mit einer
„Gloriole des Heldentums“ verließ. Die Liberalisierung der Mediensprache
vollzog sich vor allem durch die Annäherung an die körperlich-alltägliche
Identität des „Privatmenschen“ sowie an die Folklore-Formen bzw. -Narrative.
Reime und ganze Lieder, Gerüchte, (biografische) Erzählungen, Witze, aber auch
Elemente der Volksweisheit und des Volksglaubens unterfüttern Reportagen nicht
nur über die „Helden des Underground“, sondern auch die Nachrichten aus der
Politik.
Anhand von hochfrequentierten
Metaphern und stilistischen Formen soll gezeigt werden, wie politische Inhalte
zur Konstruktion eines allumfassenden „Wir“ genutzt werden, zur ständigen
Reproduktion eines geteilten lokalen Wissens, das xenophobe Haltungen festigt,
integrative Funktionen erfüllt und besonders aufschlussreich ist bezüglich der
konsensfähigen Politik-Bilder, die den öffentlichen Wahrnehmungsraum der
Gesellschaft prägen.
(Faculty of humanities Koper and Faculty of tourism
studies, Portorož, University of Primorska)
Since 1991 Slovenia has had to establish
itself as a tourist destination. In this process attempts of defining and
incorporating into tourism what is thought to be its heritage were made. Many
tourist strategies and much evidence from all over the country show how
heritage in tourist contexts is usually conceptualized as deriving from a
pre-second world war period, and concerning a number of “ethnological heritage”
seasonal holidays, gastronomy and souvenirs are emphasized. Despite Slovenes
being amongst the most numerous visitors of the former Yugoslav republics,
Tito’s grave, his birthplace, and a museum of Avnoj in Jajce where new,
socialist Yugoslavia was supposedly founded, tourism for domestic
socialist/communist heritage sites does not exist. Thus this paper first of all
follows Ullrich Kockel’s division between heritage and tradition and asks what
“socialist heritage” stands for. It then analyzes whether the situation in
Slovenia provides evidence that it could be a part of “unwanted heritage”.
Finally, a case study is presented of contemporary folklore events which are
today a popular type of sociability for at least one sector of the Slovene
population. Despite the fact that they appeared mostly after 1945 and had huge
ideological support, the author does not see contemporary folklore events as a
part of "unwanted heritage". On the contrary, she classifies them as,
at the same time, a post-modern and socialist tradition, labelled in tourism as
ethnological heritage.
(Institut
für Volkskunde/Europ. Ethnologie, LMU München)
After a brief introduction to the
development of the concept of the European Capital of Culture program and its
movement towards peripheral regions and places, this article focuses on the
concrete examples of Patras 2006 and Sibiu 2007 and the implications of the
concept for the cities, especially for their urban spaces and housing
environments. Following the approaches of urban anthropology, the cities
themselves will be the centre of attention, together with the strategies of
“self-culturalization” that can be witnessed during the process of becoming a
cultural capital. Furthermore, as a contribution to the program, the dimensions
that make up possible cultural governance are required to have become visible
throughout the overall development of community action within the last few
years. The European Capital of Culture program can be seen in the context of an
internal colonization of Europe, and in the cases of Patras and Sibiu,
dominating Western European strategies and access to cultural heritage and
authenticity clash with local conditions and expectations. The comparison of
these two participants at the EcoC program showed two very different approaches
towards the overall concept and also to the city’s own role in a European
context.
(National University of Arts, Department of
Art History and Theory, Bucharest)
My paper will analyze what “The Strategy
for the National Cultural Heritage of the Romanian Ministry of Culture and
National Patrimony”, issued in 2008, defines as architectural monuments, and
what it establishes as policies of preservation and promotion for the
architectural monuments, in comparison with previous documents of this kind
issued after 1989, focusing on what can be applied to the architecture of the
19th and 20th centuries. Constructions are labeled as “historical monuments” by
the newly created National Institute for Heritage, on the basis of the
“Methodological regulations for classification and inventory of historical
monuments”, also issued in 2008. The attention given by both “The Strategy…”
and the “Methodological regulations…” to enlarge the selection criteria for
classifying buildings as historical monuments, so as to allow the inclusion of
new types of architecture – industrial heritage, health resort architecture,
etc. – indicates the intention to create the image of a “European”, “modern”,
“civilized” Romania during the last two centuries, while completely eluding
socialist architecture. As well as this, the shift from focusing mostly on
religious Christian architecture and rural domestic architecture, towards urban
and non-Christian constructions demonstrates the need to present a contemporary
Romania which values plurality of religion and ethnicity, at least at the level
of official discourse; even if in practice it seldom seems to be the case.
(University College London, School of
Slavonic and East European Studies)
This
paper starts with the on-going debate regarding the date of Albania’s liberation in the
autumn of 1994. In communist Albania there were two equally commemorated
National Days, the 28th of November, the day of Declaration of Independence in
1912, and 29th November, the day of liberation during WWII. In post-communist
Albania the 29th of November has aroused controversies and, depending on
whether right wing or left wing parties are in power, has been either
commemorated or omitted. In both cases discussions regarding this issue have
contributed to the growth of political fever in the country.
This
paper aims at contextualizing the discussions around the “29th of November” within
a larger analytical framework. Debates regarding the National Day are part of
larger efforts towards reshaping the collective memory in post-communist
Albania. Similar trends are also visible in the recent development of Albanian
historiography and ethnological and folklore studies (though under the new name
of social anthropology). In this sense, the aim of the paper is to reveal the
main characteristics of the politics of memory in post-communist Albania.
However, I also intend to analyse various rituals and practices of remembrance,
both in real life and the virtual world, which quite often tend to oppose the
‘official’ politics of memory, thus enforcing a group's “own” version of what
happened and what should be remembered. Commemorating or not-commemorating
therefore becomes not only a manifestation of political loyalty, but also a
declaration of social and cultural belonging.
(Bahcesehir University,
For most people shopping forms a significant part of everyday life. It
is estimated that women spend 22 minutes a day or 2 years of their lives
shopping and men about half this amount of time (McCaffrey 2006). Yet despite
this, there is something of a label attached to shopping; that it is a trivial,
vacuous feminine activity of consumption that is not really important, and is
implicitly compared to the "socially" useful work carried out in the
male sphere of production. However we can easliy see how the purchase of goods
and services is vital to a capitalist economy, from items such as hair accessories
bought by teenage girls to the acqusition of huge corporations. We might also
argue that at micro social level things we shop for also have a symbolic value,
which is their significance and meaning to us in the context of our everyday
lives. Douglas and Isherwood coined the term "material culture" to
refer to the relationships between people and objects. Therefore we can say
that the things we acquire, display, exchange and consume help us to relate to
one another and to reporoduce the structure of the society.
In
this study, I will examine the way in which the shopping practices of female
college students aged 18-23 studying at different universities in Istanbul both
reflect and constitute the social worlds in which they are embedded, through
conducting indepth interviews. I will begin with a discussion of the various
meanings that "buying things" can have and of the "rituals"
of interaction involved in going shopping as a cultural practice. I will also
examine the rise in the consumer culture of Istanbul and its effects upon shopping
practices.
(
Based on nine months of fieldwork in the highlands of
northern
(Scientific
Research Center of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts),
Balkan popular music has for decades been
present on the world music scene (such as the ‘fascination’ with Bulgarian
choirs including Le Mystère des voix
bulgares during the 1970s) and grew particularly during the 1990s, when
Balkan countries “opened to the West.” Simultaneously, this “Balkan fascination”
has for a long time been a way of representing "exotic Balkans" and
the ways in which the rhetoric of positive balkanism is internalized and used
within Balkan countries.
This paper addresses the Balkan Music Awards, which was held
on May 16th 2010 by Balkanika Music Television as an open-air concert at
Alexander Batenberg Square in downtown Sofia. An audience from eleven Balkan
countries voted for the best Balkan song from songs already chosen as the
representative of the country. The event organizers openly employed discourse
such as “Balkans-as-region” and “shared Balkan identity,” emphasizing its
significant political and (self)emancipatory potential. This paper will focus
particularly on the use of discourses of modernity in the employement of the
popular music genre and the politicization of self-balkanization as a new way
of empowerment. This will be analyzed in the relationship of the Western
Balkans to the Balkans, as a result of local interpretations of dominant
Europeanization discourses.
(Institute for Ethnology and Folklore with
Ethnographic Museum,
This paper will present the results of the
author’s fieldwork research during the past few years in Bulgaria, Serbia and
Macedonia. Through the re-vitalisation of traditional ritual patterns and the
invention of “new” ones with no traditional prototype, a new local and group
identity has been built in a number of regions in the central part of the
Balkans. Based on renewed traditional collective celebrations (the village
"sabor" for example), new ritual practices (the so called “youth
kurban” in Midwestern Bulgaria), and the renovations of traditional places of
cult (village chapels, family votive crosses) by gastarbeiters who returned to
their birthplaces in Serbia and Macedonia, the role of a “returning”
religiousness in building group cohesion and local identities will be shown.
(Institute of Cultural Anthropology and
Study of Arts, Tirana)
The charshija was the main economic centre of handicraft production and
exchange in towns and cities during the Ottoman period and the beginning of the
new nation-states in the Balkans. It was the principal market for trade in
regional agricultural products and was also the principal site where different
social and political actions used to take place. The charshija often therefore
became synonymous with the town or city itself. With the consolidation of
nation-states, it became one of the principal sites where that which was considered
to be premodern (charshija as Ottoman heritage and hense, according to
Todorova, an important cultural and economic element of the Balkans) met
modernity (different reforms undertaken by the nation-state to become modern
and hence, again according to Todorova, European). The few existing charshijas
that managed to survive the process of modernization in different Balkan
countries seem to have become places where two tendencies oppose each other.
The crucial meaning the charshijas had for the premodern past of towns and
cities has turned them into places of historical identity, and this is why they
are often proclaimed as monuments of cultural heritage. However, most of the
merchandice sold at the shops in the charshija comes from China and Turkey,
making them unattractive places for consumers and often risking trade itself.
The
aim of this paper is to analyze how these two tendencies clash in different
charshijas in the Balkans (Kruja, Skopje and Prizren) as well as the ways in
which this clash is experienced and perceived by the charshijali (the people
who work at the charshija).
(University of Perugia, Department of Man
and Territory & National School of Political Sciences and Public
Administration, Bucharest, Department of Sociology)
The opening of a tourist resort brought upon the massification of
tourism in a village along the route of one of the Danube’s arms (Sf. Gheorghe)
into the Black Sea (the Danube Delta). At the same time, the local population’s
access to resources was reconfigured by an ambiguous set of regulations on
local fishing derived from the recent status of natural reservation. Paired
with the massification of tourism in the village, this factor triggered a
process of structural transformation of households and of the locals’ attitudes
towards a territory managed to a great extent by external institutions.
My
aim in this paper is to analyze the manner in which the local population
imagines various forms of touristic entrepreneurship shaped by the new
constraints regarding fishing, by the possibility of access in various areas of
the reservation and by the continuous mirroring with the “forbidden city” (the
name of the tourist resort built eight years ago to host a film festival). I
also look at the way local gender relations are reconfigured by the
predilection for female involvement in yard tourism. During the presentation, I
will focus on some of the techniques used to shape a landscape ready for
consumption, both from the part of the locals and from the entrepreneurs
external to the community: mapping and valuing available resources in
connection with an experience economy frame which appeared after the dramatic
decrease in industrial fishing.
(The
The Internet has become more than a source of finding and sharing
information (as was expected when created in 1968-1969), it has become part of
contemporary life, a huge site with
its own rules, actors, language, mechanisms of creation and transmission
messages, symbols, specific gestures, etc.
The
topic of religion on the Internet as a subject for anthropologists,
sociologists, ethnographers, folklorists or ethnologists was highlighted about
10 years ago. This research approaches two interconnected aspects of this
subject. First, ritual gestures – such as pilgrimage and confession – as
performed within cyberspace and within a real environment, and the relation, if
any, between them. Despite evidence that virtual reality holds an important
global feature, we are interested here in discovering the specifics that occur
when religious gestures are performed by Orthodox Christians. Secondly, we are
interested in the way Romanian “traditional” religious institutions face this
challenge.
Cyberspace
is very different from real areas we are accustomed to when carrying out
fieldwork, which is why methodological questions concerning the collecting and
interpreting of data will be raised during my intervention.
(Institute
for Balkan Studies,
This paper addresses the use of the
pronouns ti (lat. tu) and vi (lat. vous) in contemporary Serbian. The analysis
is based on questionnaires that were disseminated among three groups of
interviewees: (1) students of both genders at Belgrade University; (2) women
aged between 35 and 45; (3) men aged between 35 and 45. The questionnaire is
divided into three parts: (I) private and family life; (II) public life; (III)
communication with peers / younger / older interlocutors. The paper draws upon
the famous Brown and Gilman (1960) article on pronouns of power and solidarity,
in which the use of Serbo-Croatian pronouns was also referred to. The paper
analyses what kind of social distance is proposed and projected by the pronoun
used today, whether there are any significant gender and generational
differences, and whether there is still power asymmetry of the “T/V” pronoun
use in some public and private domains. It is argued that the “T/V” pronoun
use, on the one hand, still proposes some kind of power asymmetry, based upon a
patriarchal model which encompasses differentiation by age. On the other hand,
this seniority-based model is often seen as a marked linguistic form connected
to age-discrimination, especially among women when communicating with younger
interlocutors.
(Institute of Ethnology and Folklore with
Ethnographic Museum, Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Sofia)
The old legible graffiti that existed on
the streets of the biggest Bulgarian towns in the 1980s and early 1990s has
almost completely been changed by hip-hop graffiti. Following the basic forms
of the global graffiti tradition, these images are legible to the hip-hop
graffiti writers whilst remaining almost illegible to other citizens, who
usually see them as scribbles of vandalism. At the same time, by aestheticizing
the production of new hip-hop graffiti and treating it as a specific, modern
and difficult art, Bulgarian elites seriously affect its prestige and
popularity. The large amounts of legal graffiti can not but appear as a result
of special agreements between graffiti writers, municipal authorities and
political elites. For almost a decade these recurrent agreements have proved to
be more than just singular cases – they attest rather to the existence of a
special system of patronage. This article will seek to reveal the reasons
underlying its proliferation and will make an attempt to explain how and why
political elites re-use these instances in order to demonstrate their own
“inner sense” of belonging to the EU and the globalizing world or to construct
for themselves a positive public image as creative political leaders with
modern artistic preferences, deep social sensibility and a will to implement
pertinent changes.
(Max Planck for Study of Religious and
Ethnic Diversity, Göttingen & Institute for Sociological, Political and
Juridical Research, Skopje)
Macedonia must have seemed an odd and exceptional place when it inspired
the Western imagination to borrow its name for a mixed salad in which different
ingredients cut into big chunks are thrown into a bowl without any particular
order. Before modernity came to Macedonia it was a region with an incredible
mixture of languages, religions, costumes, customs, or to use the favourite
shortcut, cultures. When modernity arrived in Southeast Europe it was turned
into a region with an unbearable mixture of peoples, ethnicities, and nations.
Since the end of Pax Ottomana the remnants of the pre-modern ethnic disorder
are still being sorted by various political and even military means. Modernity,
for its complexity and ambiguity, cannot be captured by making it synonymous
with nationalism, but because of its numerous overlaps and similarities I will
focus on it by looking at the case of the Republic of Macedonia.
After
almost two centuries of the dissolving of its cultural mixture, the Republic of
Macedonia, which emerged as an independent country after the collapse of the
Yugoslav federation, is still dealing with the results. Complicated
power-sharing mechanisms have been introduced in conjuncture with the dominant
discourse of ethnonationalism. Multiculturalism as an ideology or as a set of
policies was never given a chance in Macedonia, nor in the whole region of
Southeast Europe for that matter, as nationalism was embraced first. In this
paper I will explore the uncritical acceptance of modernity and its
confrontational character based on binary logic and the consequences for this
region of remarkable long-standing diversity.
(Institute for Ethnology and Folklore with Ethnographic Museum,
Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Sofia)
Am
Beispiel von Fotos und Filme als Quellen wird die problematische Modernisierung
am Beispiel der sich wandelnden Politiken des Bulgarischen Staates gegenueber
Kindern in den sog. "Mutter&Kind- Heime", resp. ("Heime fuer
Kinder ohne elterliche Fuersorge") analysiert. Einerseits wird der Wandel
in der Sozialpolitik aufgezeigt, doch auch Kontinuitaeten in der Politik
gegenueber das/die "Andere(n)" (ethnisch, sozial, physich und/oder
psychisch "andere") Durch die Fragen Wer Wann Was Wie fuer Wen fotographiert
und filmiert wird der Versuch unternommen Visualisierungen als Strategie zur
Sichtbarmachen und/oder zum Verdecken von sozialen Problemlagen und sozialen
Ausschlussmechanismen zu thematisieren. Insofern das konkrete Beispiel einheimisches,
bulgarisches Foto- und Filmmaterial und zugleich auch auslaendische
Visualquellen einschliesst, kann man dadurch das komplexe Wechselspiel zwischen
Innen- und Aussenperspektive, zwischen "Modernisierungsschuebe" von
Aussen und von Innen in einer globalisierten Welt angehen.
(Institute of Ethnology and Cultural
Anthropology, University of Lodz)
The tekke – a Muslim monastery – is a popular phenomenon among Muslims
belonging to several different ethnic groups in today’s northeastern Bulgaria.
The concept of a tekke originally comes from the Dervish tradition, but today
people go to a tekke as a pilgrimage and to perform the ritual killing of an
animal, adak kurban – a thanksgiving sacrifice. The ritual is characteristic
for all Muslims, but there are a lot of differences in performing the
sacrifice, in methods of food preparation and in rituals performed over the
grave of the holy person. What is most important is that these differences are
not only motivated by ethnicity, but also by local traditions (changing between
villages and municipalities).
Even
though Sunni Islam does not maintain the concept of a “holy person”, local
Sunni authorities accept activities at the tekke and make financial profit from
them. They control the rituals performed at the tekke, forbid paying homage to
the holy person (which would be against Sunni Islamic principles) as well as
local traditions that are not against Islamic principles. There are differences
between clerics educated in foreign countries (such as Turkey, Iran, United
Arab Emirates) and those educated in Bulgaria. These differences contribute to
the introduction of foreign, national models of Islam into Bulgaria.
I
would like to discuss the usefulness of ethnicity as a category in the study of
cultural (religious) change in multiethnic society, and to present alternative
categories I use in my research at Kyz Ana Tekke (near Targovishte,
northeastern Bulgaria): interculturalism, local religiosity, local and national
variety of Islam, as well as others.
(Durham University,
With the continued expansion of the
European Union and the recent return to peace in the Balkan region, Greek
investors, both corporate and individual, are relocating their business
interests northwards into other Balkan states. Enticed by the promise of inexpensive
labour and low taxes the operational centres of many Greek businesses have been
relocated, creating a ‘Greek capitalist diaspora’ in the Balkans. This movement
obviously has a substantial impact on the local economy of many regions of
Greece. Based on long-term ethnographic fieldwork, this paper will explore the
affects of this relocation on the local economy of Thessaly, central Greece.
Special attention will be given to how times of economic crisis exacerbate the
consequences of repositioning transnational investment. The increasing numbers
of small-scale entrepreneurs and highly qualified corporate executives
conducting business north of the border have both contributed to the national
crisis on the macro level and intensified the perception of victimisation
caused by economic austerity measures on the local level.
(Sofia University)
By 'lost generation' I refer to the
generation of the transition, i.e. those born in the 1980s and early 1990s,
whose 'formative years' (Mannheim) have coincided with the period of rapid and
radical societal transformations affecting the very framework of values
hitherto considered monolithic and immutable. This paper is based on a research
project funded by the National Science Fund of Bulgaria (2009-11) and explores
youth subcultures with a special focus on their use of and/or dependence on the
internet in the process of what might be called a post-modern 'privatisation'
of sociality. Sources include fieldwork and statisitcal data. The main argument
will challenge the notion of the 'lost' generation, viewing youth cultures
primarily as active and creative ways of adaptation to a dynamic social
environment while also admitting their importance as a means of self-expression
(DIY-identities).
(New Bulgarian University, Sofia)
This
text examines different forms of collective consumption practices in
post-socialist
Consumption
not only integrates existing social ties and groups, but creates new ones. New
consumer practices evoke the appearance of new fan groups, sharing a common
interest. Their behavior is also exclusively collective; for example, they
create their own feasts, etc. Typical examples in this respect are folk dance
clubs or the forum of Nissan drivers in
Such
consumer “tribalism” contrasts with the frequently mentioned inability of
Bulgarians to work in a team, and with some other stereotypes such as being
quite individualistic. We will seek possible explanations for this controversy,
and using fieldwork observations will try to build upon the theoretical
achievements concerning the capacities of consumption to create and maintain
social groups and identities.
(Marko
Cepenkov Institute for Folklore,
Skopje)
The problem of the modernization of post socialist institutes in
Macedonia has opened up a lot of questions concerning the possibility of the
inclusion of western conceptual models (modernization, new institutionalism) in
a traditional and conservative cultural context. In looking at concepts of
formal and informal institutional structures, this paper analyzes the defense
mechanisms against “institutional attacks” and structures of “resistance” as
perceived and developed in the context of national building processes in
Macedonia.
What
are the types of problem that arise with institutional changes? What are the
consequences? What relations are there between new institutionalism and
national building processes? What happens when the existing traditional
institutions have to be replaced by new modern ones? These are some of the
questions that are posed with the aim of better understanding institutional
modernization in Macedonia.
(Academy of Athens)
In April 2010 Greek state bonds had been characterized as junk bonds and
Greece was on the fringe of bankruptcy. A stabilization programme and loans
from the IMF and EU prevented this worst-case scenario, and harsh measures to
cut public spending were introduced.
Several
factors have to be taken into account when analyzing the reason for the Greek
depth crisis. Next to economic aspects, political and social factors are also
relevant. Social scientists hint at the system of political patronage, which
lead to an overloaded public sector in Greece and to bribery occurring in many
spheres of public life. The political culture fostered this approach of seeking
individual gains at the cost of the common good from the top to the bottom of
the social pyramid (Lauth Bacas 2008 in Forost Arbeitspapier 44: 27-41).
My
proposed paper aims at investigating the social effect of the depth crisis on
everyday life in Greece by using an anthropological approach. In analyzing
features of everyday life after the depth crisis in Athens, the proposed
presentation will focus on expressions of self-esteem and national identity in
times of crisis, referring especially to everyday discourses in Greece as they
could be observed in the media and on the Internet. Taking personal proposals
and individual statements as a starting point, the anthropological analysis
will analyze these contributions in regard to everyday expressions of national
identity in times of financial crisis in Greece.
(Institute
of Cultural Anthropology and Arts Studies, Center for Albanian Studies, Tirana,
Albania)
This paper takes on a diachronic vision and
aims to narrate a part of Albanian’s socialist modernity through the eyes of
socialist industrialization and the working class. It should be pointed out
that the process of modernization in Albanian society started after 1912 with
the declaration of independence from the Turkish Empire. Until the end of WWII
the process was slow and often interrupted by wars and political instability.
It was only after the installation of Enver Hoxha’s state socialism that the
process of industrialization and modernization became a political priority,
enabling over subsequesnt decades the transformation of Albanian society into
an industrial country. Consequently, up until the 1990s’ workers were
considered to be the most precious jewel of the socialist system because the
working class held, at least as ideology and discourse portrayed it, both
economic and political power. This diachronic approach will thus allow light to
be shed on the specificity and dynamics of socialist modernity,
industrialization and proletarianization in Albania. The structural
organization and composition of the working class during socialism will also be
taken into account and portrayed as a necessary basis in order to understand
the peculiarity of the Albanian working class formation and process of the
proletarianization of peasantry during almost 50 years of state socialism.
(Institute of Ethnology and Folklore with
Ethnographic Museum, Bulgarian Academy of Sciences,
How a
society treats its past bears directly on how it builds up and perceives its
present, and what expectations it has for its future. After 1989, a shift
occurred in the memory culture of post-communist societies. This paper questions
the types of memory culture that have emerged during the transformation period
and how they conform with the identity which Bulgarian society aspires to,
having become part of a new community (the EU).
The problems of the politics of memory and reconciliation
in post-socialist Bulgarian society are also discussed, as well as those of
justice for, and public recognition of, the victims of two different political
regimes and the master narrative of
(Ovidius University Constanta)
Staged for the first time in 2000, Matei
Visniec's play entitled "How to Explain the History of Communism to Mental
Patients" provides a retrospective look on the process of indoctrination
and cultural "cleansing" that took place in Communist Europe. Some
years after the fall of the Communist regime in Romania, Visniec offers a
cathartic representation of the tragic absurdity of that period, when
indoctrination and the re-creation of history were considered the solution to
all the problems of society, including mental disorders. "How to Explain
the History of Communism to Mental Patients" thus becomes a means of coping
with recent history and understanding the changes that have occurred during the
last decades.
(Institute of Ethnology and Folklore with
Ethnographic Museum, Bulgarian Academy of Sciences,
After the collapse of the communist regime in 1989 Bulgaria was in
economic and social crisis, the economic status of the whole population
dropping sharply. That critical situation and the limited employment market in
Bulgaria have forced many Bulgarian citizens to emigrate as a way to survive.
For a short period of time they have created big immigration groups in Western
Europe. In contrast to other countries (France, Germany or Spain) emigration of
Bulgarian citizens to the UK is a relatively new phenomenon that has become a
massive movement after the acceptance of Bulgaria into the European Union in
2007. Their number has gradually increased, reaching almost 200 000 in 2009 according
to unofficial estimates. This makes the Bulgarians in the UK one of the largest
‘new’ Bulgarian expatriate communities in Western Europe.
This
paper will present the influence of new technologies such as the Internet on
the emigration possibilities of Bulgarian citizens to Britain (predominantly in
England). Fieldwork research showed that the global virtual network facilitates
movement processes and helps in the process of adaptation and integration in
the new country. My working hypothesis is that the Internet is not only an
instrument for free everyday communication with relatives and friends in
Bulgaria, but is a source of information and cultural exchange that influences
the changing values of Bulgarian society.
(Department
of Anthropology,
The aim of my paper will be to examine the
relationship between memory culture and different framings of temporal
experience in east European Croatia and Serbia. A crucial point, I
will argue, is that memory discourses, or what Paul de Man identified as ‘a
complex juxtaposition of reversible movements that reveal the discontinuous and
polyrhythmic nature of temporality’ and Peter Krapp as a ‘kind of memory
without memory, a kind of forgetting without forgetting’, are useful when
examining ethical public history. In this respect the lived experience of time
involves not only collective memories of the socialist past but includes
narratives surrounding ‘Ethics of the Future’. In other words, as
post-socialist struggles are said to be about the meaning and ownership of
modernity, it also implies that ‘fluid’ time has come to be a constitutive
element of social analysis. On the basis of my preliminary research in eastern
Croatia and northern Serbia, I will demonstrate the role memory culture plays
in restoring and reconstructing a new view of the present. This is especially
the case when social actors, outdated monuments and
‘things’ from the socialist period are attributed with agency. While ethical
public history and social analysis serve to destabilize existing assumptions
about modernity, I will argue that they also offer a more complex
interpretation of the present, since, apropos of Walter Benjamin, nothing is
ever abandoned, everything is preserved; the appearance of a new paradigm does
not abolish the former paradigm.
(Ecole française d'Athènes)
This paper deals with the national “mobilization” and touristic branding
of some recent archeological discoveries in Bulgaria. Today, the “Valley of the
Thracian kings” near the town of Kazanlâk, the “Temple of Dionysus” in
Perperikon near Kârdžali and the “Tomb of Orpheus” (Tatul, Momčilgrad
municipality) are among the most advertised monuments of the country and,
undoubtedly, the most marketed archeological sites representing the ancient
“Thracian heritage”. In post-communist Bulgaria the latter has been actively
exploited in order to prove the “ancient roots” and the long cultural
continuity of the small Balkan nation. This archeology is thus supposed to
substantiate its millenary “European belonging”.
In
fact, the “cult of Thracians” (these being interpreted as Bulgarian
“ancestors”) was launched during the communist period when archeologists, (art)
historians, ethnographers and linguists forged the image of Bulgaria as
inheritor of the ancient Thracian culture, estimated no less valuable than that
of classical Greece. After the fall of the communist regime, touristic business
gave its own “patriotic contribution” to a construction of heritage, within
which the exactitude of scholarly interpretation has been progressively
sacrificed for the sake of successful marketing.
This
paper tries to examine to what extent these new, business-oriented, politics of
heritage can be understood as a continuation of the official state-sponsored
cultural policy of communism, and to what extent they are a result of rupture
and innovation in which different kinds of actors and entrepreneurs take part.
(Ethnographic
museum in Belgrade, Belgrade)
The purpose of this paper is
to critically review the scenario of traditional and contemporary
wedding ceremonies, which are still being constructed and bulked out during transitional
times in Serbia. More often a “new model” is being accepted
within the younger population. As is the case with traditional
forms regarding the time when they were formed and the
conditions in which they were developed, new forms
also become a type
of marker highlighting the "new way" of thinking and behavior during
the marriage. In both cases, the structure of marriage is established within
the form of current socio-political regulatory categories. For Serbian
people the core of the wedding custom has always represented a
very important part in the life of individuals and communities, with certain parts of the customary context representing a significant form of identity.
Depending
upon the
context and scenario of the wedding ceremony in
the past, regional, religious and ethnic affiliations
were distinguished. For all of this to have sense and fulfill
the expectations imposed by the culture, rituals within
the wedding ceremony had to be carried out according to the traditionally
proposed model. However, after the Second World War the
"civilization" of rural society, the
political
orientation in Serbia, the faster flow of information and
technology, and changes in the socio-political
system caused the natural reshaping of some components
within the traditional wedding ceremony. Nevertheless, the
changes did not carry the essential character of the traditional form of wedding
celebration kept in many areas until the beginning of the 21st
century. Traditional and contemporary models of behavior are still interwoven,
although the former is far more latent and gives priority to the other as to
the progressive. In contemporary Serbian society, the pursuit of cultural
identification with global changes has resulted in formerly existing
wedding rituals becoming condensed,
more often becoming legitimate entertainment in the wedding party
in which the wider family of the young married couple is reduced to the closest relatives, guests being a number of friends who were classmates of the newlyweds.
(Institute for Ethnology and Folklore
Studies with Ethnographical Museum,
The submitted paper examines the labour mobility of an Albanian
community from the territory of Western Macedonia. The basis of the proposed
examination is field work from the last 3 years among Albanian labour migrants
from the Republic of Macedonia. My work encompasses interviews with former and
present migrants in their home villages, with their friends and relatives who
have not migrated, as well as interviews with Albanian migrants from Macedonia
who work in Slovenia.
The
pattern of labour mobility created by Albanians has developed interesting
characteristics in both periods mentioned (Yugoslav times and contemporary
independent R. of Macedonia), but has still not been studied sufficiently. On
the basis of the study of concrete migrant narratives I attempt to explore
possibilities and conditions of mobility, reasons for migrating, and social and
cultural dimensions in the process of leaving a native place as a strategy of
making a living.
Attention
is focused on migration and mobility from the point of view of the dynamics of
cultural models and identities that individuals and groups carry and develop,
and their reflections on the sending societies, as well as among the people who
either temporarily or on a longterm basis live in diaspora, returning at
regular intervals. The main research questions are: how do the social
organisation and family-kin relationships change and transform into networks of
mutual assistance and help, and even into business networks? Do family-kin
relationships and connections between migrants and non-migrants change local
communities (village infrastructure and architecture, the models of consumption
etc.), and if so, how?
(Southeast and East European History,
Department of History, University of Regensburg)
Analysing Hungarian ethnic denotations reveals ongoing societal changes
and the perceptions related to them in Hungary. Although the Hungarian case
might be very specific, this tool of discourse analysis is applicable to other
societies.
During
the Socialist Era there was no open debate in Hungary regarding the Hungarians
in neighbouring states. The situation changed substantially after 1990. A close
examination of two high circulating Hungarian dailies during the heated debate
over the Hungarian Status Law (2001-2003) has shown how present this issue has
become in Hungary. Generally speaking, this Law granted Hungarians from
neighbouring states certain financial, medical and educational privileges. The
number of ethnic denotations which do not have a specific geographic-political
reference reached 103. Thus, there are now numerous categories of practice, in
contrast to a single official category of analysis, which was stipulated in the
Hungarian Status Law and yet is hardly ever used.
I
argue that the myriad of ethnic denotations used in Hungarian public discourse
to denote Hungarians from Hungary’s neighbouring states are a symbol of a
significant change in Hungarian society from primordial and essentialist views
to more differentiated notions and constructivist positions. This is not a
linear change and should be seen as an ongoing open debate whose end is yet to
be seen. Furthermore, these ethnic denotations reflect a variety of issues
within Hungarian society: historic consciousness, current political issues,
aspects of ongoing nationalism, and changes in the economic situation, thus
illustrating the constant social transformation.
(
More
than twenty years after the events of December 1989 in Romania, debates
concerning their nature and the parties involved have not dried up; in
particular, the so-called ‘revolution’ has been very present in the Romanian
media, particularly each year in December. On the other side, grey areas still
subsist; lots of questions have remained partly unsanswered and many others
have not been addressed yet. For example, the question of memory, regarding
particularly the experience of those—actually the majority of people—who did
not directly partake in the events: what has been remembered from these events
and transmitted to the younger generations? It seems that most memories
transmitted to the generation born at the end of the 1980s and later concerned
life under communist rules, so that the ‘revolution’ in December 1989 is an
‘unspoken event’.
This research
aims to analyse memories of these crucial events of December 1989 in
(Ethnographical Institute of the Serbian
Academy of Sciences and Arts,
The historian Andrea Petö claims that the "majority of stories in
Eastern Europe are told by men" and therefore feminist researchers have to
seek out the existing memories of women. On the other hand, historian John
Gillis claims that women – as the keepers and embodiments of a plural
experiential memory – are “opponents” of official history, the bearers of that
abject memory surplus which cannot be subsumed under the authorized systems of
knowledge (1994). In this paper I confront abovementioned Petö’s thesis about
the lack of women’s stories in former Yugoslavia with Gillis’ theory of an
abject memory surplus that women’s stories imply. The aim is not only “to
change the dominant historiographical discourse”, but also to help “recover the
intellectual and emotional matrilineage” and to reconstruct broken feminist
genealogies in Europe. I examine this problem in the context of the
rememberence of feminist conferences in Dubrovnik’s Inter-University Center
1986-1990, as the transnational encounters placed in Yugoslavia.
In
the memories of the “local”, former Yugoslav participants, the conferences in
Dubrovnik stand as a European moment or period of Yugoslavia erased from
dominant genealogical discourses, a nostalgic moment in which they were not
exotic “others within”, but the hosts and a part of utopian, intellectual and Leftist
Europe, despite reciprocal differences. They connect postsocialist processes in
former Yugoslavia with the gradual diminishing of leftist movements in Europe.
This view challenges the idea of the Balkans as “the dark side within” Europe,
and shows that the political phenomena affecting former Yugoslavia are part of
broader European political tendencies.
(Université Laval, Québec, Canada & Centre Interuniversitaire
d'Étude sur les Lettres, les Arts et les Traditions)
À partir du village roumain, Certeze, dont
le surnom est « Le Petit Paris », nous nous intéressons à la relation entre les
pratiques résidentielles et les constructions identitaires dans leur sens
social avant et après la chute du régime socialiste. Situé dans une région périphérique de la
Roumanie, le Pays d’Oas qui, depuis les années 1970, s’engage dans une ample
mobilité du travail activée par les projets de construction de la nouvelle
société socialiste, Certeze est marqué par l’apparition d’un autre phénomène,
de (ré)construction des maisons privées, visibles par la grandeur et par le
luxe. L’ouverture des frontières après 1989 amène les Certezeni à tourner les
yeux vers l’occident, la France notamment, la nouvelle destination de la
migration du travail. Ce contexte à la fois nouveau et ancien pousse le
phénomène bâtisseur déjà existant sur place vers une consommation ostentatoire
de l’espace se traduisant par une concurrence ardue « d’avoir la plus grande,
la plus belle et la plus moderne maison ». On se demande dans quelle mesure
cette nouvelle architecture qui porte souvent des noms tels « la maison de type
américain », « autrichien » ou « français » reflète vraiment un changement fort
des pratiques, des savoir-faire et des représentations de l’espace
traditionnels. Notre hypothèse est que dans les sociétés postsocialistes, la
logique pratique de l’extension et de la transformation de l’espace domestique
est reléguée dans l’ombre par l’augmentation des motivations symboliques,
notamment le prestige social ou l’honorabilité individuelle et familiale à
l’intérieur de la communauté et de la société.
(Institute of Macedonian Literature, Ss. Cyril and Methodius University,
Skopje)
This study will review typical modernistic characteristics and modified
forms of behavior in Postmodernism through the prism of male-female relations,
making use of the Macedonian novels “Pirej” by Petre M. Andreevski and
“Peperutka” by Saso Tasevski as prepositions. The first novel is related to the
Modernism and modernistic concept of a universal and coherent whole,
self-confirming the notions with a steady, statically determined, and clearly
referential frame. Its relation with a self-identifying code anchors
modernistic identity in a pre-symbolic and pre-mirror phase, in which things
are univocally defined. It is ideologically defined since, on a social level,
it stands for non-difference, where everyone has to endeavor to obtain the
estimated male model. In the second novel completely different gender relations
are constructed. Its characters are focused upon new western influences in a
polyvalent manner with complexly constructed identities, and as such suit the
theme of a modernistic dynamic and respect for diversity. The auto-reporting
spirit of the characters in the second novel, from the postmodern perspective
through which they are perceived and valued, is constantly self-questioned,
sometimes pausing, astonished in front of plenty of situations of enforced
gender conflict.
Their
solution, through the policy of gender identities, does not include modern
social processes. This is considered as one of the main factors for
modernization, which gradually and definitely challenges the past patriarchal
setting of gender identity, even in the region of Southeast Europe and in the
EU.
(Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology,
Halle/Saale)
This paper presents a study of tobacco growers in a Macedonian town, and
the way in which economic activities produce rituality. In Macedonia, the
introduction of the so-called “market economy” succeeds the previously renowned
Yugoslav model of “market socialism.” Labor activity in Macedonia today
(whether in the industrial, agricultural, bureaucratic, or service sectors), relies
largely on a complex set of networks involving kinship, friendship, and
community relationships and values.
Through
the case of tobacco farming, we will focus on the process of calculation
performed in households, when actors evaluate costs, profitability and the
general advantages of tobacco growing compared to other activities. We will
consider the overlapping of two logics. On the one hand people refer to notions
such as profitability, predictability, risk, control, and trust; on the other
hand, labor practices (as ritual) show the importance of kinship, neighborhood,
and relationships of friendship in achieving economic goals. We will raise the
question of how different households commensurate reciprocities, help, unpaid
labor, and self-exploitation (children, retired or poor relatives), in the
context of inequalities and generational conflicts. The question therefore
concerns the ways in which individuals and groups deal with an apparent
contradiction between market relationships and kinship/friendship/community
ideologies.
(Institut of Folklore "Marko
Cepenkov", Skopje)
The center of Skopje, according to the project called "Skopje
2014" promoted by the Government, began to receive a new architectural
image, but it resulted in a very strong debate as to whether this project is in
accordance with the spirit of the times and the reality that exists in the
country. The project, which provides the construction of Macedonian historical
monuments and the sacred object of the church, has become a bone of contention
between people of different ethnic and religious backgrounds, and also among
Macedonians.
Accordingly,
the following moments could be taken into consideration: first, the
inauguration of these constructions as well as its current activities could be
viewd as a kind of ritual (rite of passage). If the ritual appears as a result
of resolving some sort of crisis in an individual's life, or in society as a
whole, especially from an ontological perspective, then the above mentioned
project seeks to overcome the crisis of the community.
The
cult of the past represents a unique perception of time, and this gives a good
illustration of the project "Skopje 2014" that, among other things,
provided a number of monuments in the history of the Macedonian people,
starting from the ancient, with the monument of Alexander the Great, until
recent times, represented by the monument of the defenders (members of the
Macedonian security forces who participated in the military conflict in 2001).
The project "Skopje 2014" opened a series of dilemmas and posed a
series of questions that could be interesting for investigation from a
sociological, ethnological, psychological, historical, aesthetic, and
anthropological point of view.
(Université Libre de Bruxelles, Laboratoire d'Anthropologie des Mondes
Contemporains)
Following the interest of the general panel, this paper focuses on new
local architecture in two neighbouring regions of Northern Romania, Maramureș and Bucovina.
New houses
that are more or less finished and found in both areas (as well as other
regions of Romania) give the impression of an excessive building process.
Generally, migration remittance leads to an almost exclusive real estate
investment, but these new houses are often uninhabited. Moreover, building
practice has another important ingredient in that both areas are touristic. The
local understanding of what modernity and comfort means transforms the houses,
together with their respective annexes, into the result of the financial and
aesthetic influences of both migration and tourism.
The
meaning of this new architecture is created by local tourism entrepreneurs who
portray the locality and underline its attributes to convince tourists of a
certain specificity, authenticity, and “rurality”, etc. Even though the
architecture is supposed to be local, it is explicitly influenced. New houses
in Bucovina often have gates inspired by the traditional gates in Maramureș. The new fashionable fence,
described by locals as typical because of the excess of stones in their rivers,
exists in other regions in Romania and makes one think of another “specific”
modern fence in the Maramureş villages.
A
“generational difference” between these two regions can be seen when it comes to
newly built houses, from the first, big “show-off” houses built in Maramureș, to the “cosier” style
built later in Bucovina.
(State University of Library Studies and IT,
Sofia)
This paper examines the attitudes of the traditional Orthodox Church and
extreme right, nationalist formations towards new youth cultures in Bulgaria
during the Post-Totalitarian period.
The
paper deals with the attitude of the Bulgarian Orthodox Church towards new
phenomena associated with the activity of young people: music and its
alternative forms of addiction, New Religious Movements (called
"sects"), cohabitation without marriage, and the demonstration of
homosexuality and bisexuality. Emphasis is placed on the opposition of the
traditional and modern, religious and secular, collectivity and individuality.
Secondly,
the paper examines the attitudes towards the same phenomena of the extreme
right, nationalist formations that have become extremely popular and
influential among young people between the 1990s-2010s. The relationship
between their appearance and a number of factors such as the change in the
value system after the end of the Cold War, destruction of traditional
micro-social institutions, secularization process, migration, and
globalization, is outlined. Their phraseology and ideology, based on strong
social stereotypes and prejudices, is representative of the culture of
exclusion and demonstrates a lack of tolerance in times of cultural pluralism.
This
paper is based on the research of various sources (publications, audio and
visual sources), and field work (participant observation, semi-standardized
interviews and a focus group).
(
The
aim of this paper, rather than finding proofs supporting ideology, is to find
ways of
understanding the contribution of popular cultures to the European heritage of
identities. Among the bouquet of identity resources of present-day Europe, the
popular cultures of Medieval and Modern Europe, prolonged partly into the
present, hold much consistency both regionally and locally, primarily through
deep inter-textual stratification, as well as through privileging structures of
continuity.
It
would nonetheless be methodologically incorrect to address popular culture in
isolation, as if it were the survival of a cave of living fossils, severed from
official culture; that is, the culture of elites, with whom it might have
self-defined its opposition through polemics. On the contrary, it is more
likely that popular culture functioned organically, through genuine integrative
hermeneutic networks, trying to incorporate the input of institutional culture,
translating it within a sui generis hermeneutics into vernacular language, and
integrating it into a regional semiotic.
In
order to put forth popular culture from the perspective of subsequent
ceremoniality, a ceremonial complex was chosen that is underlain by
magical-religious ideologies, today more or less concealed, yet rooted in
archaic historical-religious circumstances, containing enough efficient
adaptive strategies to modernity to be visible throughout contemporary Europe:
the Carnivals of the Mountainous Banat, with their complex diachronic
inter-textual stratigraphies, mechanisms of adaptation and inclusion to the
present Romanian reality. Our analyses are based on anthropological fieldwork
developed in this region (10 villages) that commenced in 2007.
(
Since its emergence in Romania - at the end
of the XIXth century – professional foresters had the self-perception of being
an elite group with a mission beyond the scientific management of forests, a
mission to teach people their national values. This mission faded during
socialism, though nationalist discourse remained and fitted in well with the
propaganda of the time. The foresters were still an elite, but more contained,
representing the state and its great achievement, rather than turning back to
the people as intended before. As the state was the only owner of the Romanian
forests, and the foresters had the responsibility of managing and exploiting
all the woods in a centralized manner, their image was of a group having such
expert and specialized knowledge that outsider interest in any aspect related
to the forests would be excluded. After 1989, within the process of land
reform, one of the longest and most contested processes in postsocialist
Romania was launched as regards the privatization of forests. As a result, the
status of foresters became uncertain: still experts yet at the same time more
or less willingly involved in illegal activities related to the administration
of forests. Another representation portrays them as victims of different groups
with various interests in forests: from politicians to the representatives of
the institution they all once belonged, the National Administration of Forests.
This paper will discuss the process of transformation of this professional
group under various regimes, its diverse representations, and roles played in
relation to different actors. For this purpose historical and anthropological
data were used.
(University of Bucharest, Faculty of Foreign
Languages)
After the fall of communism people were able to speak and think freely.
In recent years there has been an explosion of research in the domain of
sociolinguistics and linguistic anthropology, analysing gender related
differences in language use. The main goal was to identify the features of what
Robin Lakoff (1975) called "men's language" and "women's
language". Certain myths regarding men's use of language have arisen in
the last decade (e.g. men use swear words, taboo words, men are impolite, men
talk about sports and cars, etc).
The aim of this paper is threefold: to
investigate the linguistic devices used by Romanian men in their speech, based
on empirical data (natural-occuring conversations) in order to back up the
hypothesis that men have a special way of talking, different from women; to
present different opinions in linguistic literature; and to see what role is
played by the social variable of age and social class in these gender
differences. This paper also relies on a research project that I conducted
among students (both male and female) at the University of Bucharest and at
"Ovidius" University in Constanta in order to establish the
conversational strategies of men and women.
(Hacettepe University, Ankara &
University of Essex)
On the 12th September 1980 Turkey experienced the third coup d’etat in
its national history. Unlike those preceding it, the 1980 coup has been
evaluated as the initial step in a series of economic, political and social
changes in Turkey. Besides interventions on a macro level, the military coup
also intended to repress the massive political movements which were
experiencing their “heydays” both in the Left and Right wings, organized under
political parties, associations, illegal organisations and trade unions. It
would even be enough to illustrate the statistics that show that 30 000 people
were discharged from their work because that they were politically
“unfavourable”; 14 000 people were denaturalized; and 30 000 people had to leave
the country and became political refugees in Western Europe.
Although
much study appears to have been carried out from different disciplines, this
period has not yet been the subject of a sociological study. Drawing on the
data gathered for an ethnographic work in progress, this paper aims to present
these changes through the accounts and experiences of witnesses of the coup.
The paper will provide a comparative analysis of people’s accounts in which the
aforementioned changes can be followed. In other words, this study tends to
concretize what "transition to neoliberalism" meant in people’s daily
lives.
(National School for Political Studies and
Public Administration, Bucharest)
Material remittances (financial and in kind) are described as essential
income for home families and have theoretical implications such as increased
household savings and the changing distribution of income (Grasmuck, Pessar,
1991). However, the levels of consumption and investment are deeply influenced
by transferred social remittances.
The
present research is primarily concerned with embedding the uses, displays and
attached meanings of remittances in two rural settings in North-East Romania
(the county of Neamt – with one of the highest Romanian rates of prevalent
emigration), focusing on the delegation of household tasks and the attached
development strategies, such as migration driven entrepreneurship vs life
strategy, with a focus on house construction.
Social
remittance based initiatives help increase the social recognition and prestige
of migrants both in their communities of origin and destination. Therefore,
remittances such as innovative ideas, managerial skills or even patterns of
architecture assimilated by the migrant and later implemented, confer prestige
and social recognition, and uphold the migrant's reputation.
Migrants’
houses, fundamental assets for the recognition of their mobility status after
1990, are in direct relation to their new desired status quo. The lack of basic
household infrastructures, combined with unproductive, economically irrational
investment – so-called conspicuous consumption - can also be explained by the
migrant desire for social esteem. Thus, migrants and non-migrants are occupying
the same social space, where the "house" is the new key figure of the
so-called remittance landscape!
(University of Tirana)
This paper will deal with religion (religious institutions) and its
impact on gender during the transition period in Albania, focusing mainly on
the situation of women. My intention here is to analyse the religious and
social discourses on public and private lives.
In
1990, Albania abrogated the law on the prohibition of religious propaganda,
thus beginning the “revival period” of religion and religious institutions.
People were finally free to follow their belief. After the demise of Communism
in Albania, faith has regained some of its importance in the lives of ordinary
Albanians.
During
the early phase of transition in Albania there was a withdrawal of women from
political and public life with regard to gender equality during the socialist period.
In this early stage religion was itself pushed into the private realm and
tended to reinforce women’s domesticisation by becoming the guardian of private
life and family values. Religion did identify women as the protectors of moral
values, tradition and the family. However, more recently, religious
institutions have been involved in discussions concerning the social problems
and challenges of transition, such as the loss of moral values and spiritual
virtues, divorce, abortion and domestic violence.
(Ethnographic Institute, Serbian Academy of
Sciences and Arts,
The revival of religion that took place over the last decades of the
20th century was a worldwide process. Its diverse expression depended largely
on different cultural-geographic areas and their respective differences in
local, traditional and cultural heritage. One of the significant general
features of the revival of religion was an adjustment made in religious
teachings, thoughts and behaviors, in order to fit the modern way of life and
the current historical and political events within particular regions.
It is
a common fact that social, economic and war crises that affected the Yugoslav
region at the end of the 20th Century were followed by an increasing role of
the church and religion in the lives of the people. Though actual state
politics at that time was proclaimed as atheistic, a gate for new/old relations
and cooperation between the state and church (mainly the Serbian Orthodox
Church) was opened. Reflections of the revitalized role of the Church were
primarily visible at the level of collective identities, where confessional
declaration became an inevitable part of national self identification. The
interpretation of religious dogmas and history within these arising identities
was often superficial and could not have been taken as a parameter of real
religiosity.
In
order to scrutinize ethnicity and religiosity we have to answer the question if
and how the revival of religion affected the lives and self-determination of
individuals. Was it related to eventual changes in their everyday lives or in
their attitudes and behaviour during crucial moments of life?
In
this paper I will try to examine and compare rural and urban concepts of death
in contemporary Serbian society, and to verify whether these were influenced by
the aforementioned processes.
(Ethnographic Institute, Serbian Academy of
Sciences and Arts,
The passage from a dictatorial regime and planned economy to a
democratic pluralist society with a market economy, i. e. transition, began in
Romania following the 1989 Revolution and is still ongoing, despite the country
having joined the European Union in 2007.
In
this paper I will analyze the ways in which some of the known transitional
processes affected life in the Serbian community in Timisoara. These processes
include, on the one hand, a change of attitudes towards minorities and a stress
on multiculturalism, and on the other, reaffirming religious and ethnic
belonging. Focus will be laid on the role and meanings of the new and/or old,
modified ways of life and values of the individual, family and minority groups
in both an ethnic and social sense.
The
basis for this analysis is field-work research pursued within the Serbian
community of Timisoara from 2002 to 2006, as well as data from literature and
the “Naša reč” magazine published in Timisoara in Serbian.
(Ovidius State University of Constanta)
In this paper I address various understandings
of the term communist, especially as it is used by young people in Romania that
were either born after 1989 or that do not have a personal memory of the
communist period. My hypothesis is that one of the main sources for the
specific connotations of the term is derived from media products, especially
American movies. It is useful to observe the interplay between understandings
mediated through the media and those derived from family stories or history
manuals. In the paper I also problematise the lack of consensus when it comes
to recent history in Romania that can be observed in history manuals. I believe
this situation paves the way for the ambiguous connotations of the term
communist for young people. My understanding is that the lack of clear borders
between historical meanings and fiction creates concrete social consequences
for the relation of the young generation with the past.
(Sofia University)
During the last decades in western societies intimate relationships are
less and less defined by clear rules and roles. The experiments of the sexual
revolution seem to be a thing of the past, yet what the language of Facebook
calls ‘it’s complicated’ has become a common ‘relationship status.’ These
developments have become the subject of many academic debates with different
authors seeing in them anything from a complete loss of subjectivity to a final
and complete unleashing of man’s vitality and creative powers. Clearly the
problem here is very much a philosophical one but it also seems necessary to
distinguish between different, perhaps even opposing tendencies.
In
Bulgaria the collapse of the communist regime was also in a way the collapse of
the socialist family and its traditional values (as described by Ulf
Brunnbauer), not only for pragmatic but also symbolic reasons. The percentage
of extramarital births, for example, has risen steadily from around 10% in 1990
to nearly 50% in 2004. An analysis by Elitsa Kuzdova-Dimitrova of the 2008
European Values Study conducted in Bulgaria shows two distinct groups among
those in an ‘active reproductive age’ – one valuing liberty and personal
satisfaction in their relationships and the other, security.
A
critical analysis of discourse and immages could help to clarify the sense
which expressions such as ‘liberty’ and ‘security’ take in this case.
(Institute
for Ethnology and Folklore with Ethnographic Museum,
Ein
bedeutsamer Teil der Transformationsprozesse in der Gesellschaft Bulgariens ist
die Wiedergeburt der Religion und das Wachstum ihres Einflusses in mehreren
Lebensbereichen. Im Vortrag werden einige Praxen im Arbeitsalltag der kleinen
Unternehmen in Bulgarien dargestellt, welche direkt mit der orthodoxen Glaube
und mit der Einstellung zu der christlichen Institution in Verbindung stehen.
Solche Praxen sind z.B. die Weihe des Unternehmensgebäude, der Wahl eines
Heiligen als Unternehmensbeschützer und die damit verbundenen Rituale, das
Beschenken von Kirchen und Klostern. Es werden die Herkunft dieser Praxen, die
Gründe für deren Existenz sowie ihre gegenwärtige Rolle dargestellt. So wird
auf die Stelle der Religion im kleinen Unternehmentum in Bulgarien hingewiesen.
(Sofia University)
Dans les années 1980-1990 dans la ville de Dimitrovgrad, une ville
phare du régime communiste, commence à se développer un marché urbain qui est
devenu un des lieux de commerce principaux substituant pendant une quinzaine
d’années le secteur dysfunctionnant de la grande distribution en Bulgarie.
Ce
nouveau phénomène transforme non seulement la ville en détournant son
infrastructure héritée du régime précédent, mais amplifie et engendre de
nouveaux rapports de forces qui redéfinissent la structure sociale, économique
et politique de la ville.
Au
sein du marché, dans les expériences professionnelles et personnelles, se
détache la figure de la femme marchande: quoi que se soit une femme près de la
retraite ou une jeune entrepreneuse: on observe que le nombre des femmes
impliquées sur le site est très important. En effet, le marché s'avère comme le
site privilégié de la réalisation professionnelle des femmes de la ville à
cause de certains facteurs de leurs situations personnelles qui favorisent la
flexibilité.
La
communication adresse le rôle du genre dans le processus
d’institutionnalisationn du marché en plein air à Dimitrovgrad et sera centré
autour l’analyse des récits de vie des femmes qui travaillent sur le marché de
la ville. Elle problématise l’impact produit par l’investissement
individuel des femmes marchandes au sein de leurs relations familiales.
La
question qui reste est si le travail sur le marché n'est pas un moyen de
renégociation de leur position dans leurs familles ?
(Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences
at the University of Zagreb)
This paper will analyse the new forms of
resistance to a neoliberal political agenda in the sphere of public education
in Croatia. As an answer to the government's neoliberal politics towards higher
education in 2009, students of the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences at
the University of Zagreb formed an "Independent initiative for the right
to free education". The major task of the group was to try to change
government politics on higher education. As a means of accomplishing that task
they organized a collective protest in the spring of 2009 by obstructing the
teaching process for a month. This paper will analyze the tactics and politics
behind the student protest of spring 2009 at all the major universities in
Croatia. The major goal of the analysis will be to reveal how a carefully
planned method of protest achieved such success. How did a group of 25 to 30
students without any (modernistic) type of party organization manage to
obstruct the teaching process at two major universities and 16 faculties in
Croatia? What is 'postmodern' in this form of protest? In the process they
managed to occupy media and political attention from political parties,
government and non-government organizations, intellectuals from Croatia,
South-Eastern, Central Europe and the entire World. Afterwords protests with
similar agendas took place in some European states in autumn 2009.
(Scientific Research Center of the Slovenian
Academy of Sciences and Arts,
This paper looks at discourses and practices through which the memory of
Yugoslav socialist workers is maintained and negotiated in a post-socialist
(and post-Yugoslav) reality, and in which workers have not only lost prominence
and social status, but everything socialist (and Yugoslav) has come to be
presented as essentially non-European. Particular attention will be paid to the
relationship between the socialist workers' identity and belonging to Europe,
established through looking at workers' narratives (about their work and life
in the past, working standards in socialism, quality and status of their
products, etc.), practices of (re)naming factories and products in the
post-socialist period, and 'official' discourses found in factories' newspapers
and brochures, museum exhibitions, etc. The analysis of these various
discourses and practices will show that concepts such as “European democracy”
and “East European socialism,” “modernity” and “backwardness” are not
necessarily mutually exclusive from today's viewpoint, and neither were they in
the past.
(
Drawing
on ethnographic data collected in the Albanian cities of
Ethnographic
research suggests that these two broadly defined approaches, one focusing on
macro policies and the other on micro processes, need not be mutually
exclusive. When considered as complementary, they can lead to an informed
understanding of the complexity of the social realities under study. From such
a perspective, this paper looks at how people respond to macro policies; that
is, how they absorb or reject, or manipulate the new ‘parameters of action’. It
seeks to show that in-depth ethnographic analysis can provide an informed
knowledge of the necessary adaptation, negotiations and redefinition of social
identities that inevitably accompany the process of democratization and the
attendant social changes.
(
After
the fall of socialism and the war in the early 1990s, a process of strong
revival of religious traditions has taken place in
The
Catholic rituals are mostly conceived as complex performative structures, and
processions represent one of their most expressive, highly condensed ritual
forms. At the same time, there are significant historic, regional and
ethnographic differences between northern and southern parts of
(Department of Philosophy
and Theory of Human Sciences, University of Cagliari)
This paper explores the
effects of macro-structural processes such as the neo-ruralist transition in EU
countryside, and the post-socialist transition in Southeast Europe, from the
point of view of a small-scale ethnography carried out in the highlands of
Greece in 2006 and 2007. It discusses recent changes along the Greek-Albanian
border, brought about by distinct and concomitant processes: the neo-ruralist
transition fostered by the EU agricultural policy reform, specifically the
rural development programs for 'less advantageous areas'; the political
transition in Albania at the beginning of the 90s and the redefinition of
territorial mobility in border areas it entailed. The historical contingencies
in which these processes intersected with local dynamics of change created a
new situation for the demographic and economic survival of highland villages
along the border. The neo-ruralism prompted by the EU since the late twentieth
century, with its strong emphasis on the preservation of 'traditional culture'
and 'local identities' within a post-productivist perspective of agriculture,
has encouraged the local appropriation of such notions, along with State
rhetoric of heritage, in order to negotiate new economic opportunities and new
social representations of places and identities. In this process a significant
role has been played by the (re)opening of the Greek-Albanian border, which
made it possible for border villages to hire Albanian migrants as cheap labor.
The renovated mobility across the border also had an important cultural effect,
providing a comparison between the unfulfilled expectations of development and
modernity in the area, and opening new spaces for defining both 'modernity' and
'tradition'.
(University
of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy, Art History Department)
Throughout his long reign Josip Broz Tito was constantly and
systematically photographed on a daily basis. This unique diary of his public
and private life (today in the Museum of Yugoslav History) is the richest
source of our knowledge about his constant public presence. Appearing in daily
journals, special monographs and other media, these images enabled Tito to
greatly influence and form public attitudes towards life in the broadest
possible way. Through analysis of some typical sets of photographs, the aim of
this paper is to demonstrate the power of these messages to form the attitudes
and opinions of ordinary people. Focusing on the representation of the ruler’s
body in photographic vision as a paradigm of knowledge, ethics, and power, this
paper will show how Yugoslav socialist modernity was created, sustained and
controlled.
(Ethnographic
Institute, Serbian
This paper discusses Russian migration both
as a global and a Russo-Montenegrin phenomenon. Since the early 2000s Russians
have intensively been buying real estate, especially in the Montenegrin
littoral, and in mountainous regions as well. Intensified construction of
housing units is an indicator of numerous changes on the local level, firstly
in the area of apartment building and economic empowerment of the local
population. Real Estate agencies thus advertise their services for many houses
in the Russian language. This paper will focus special attention on the social
aspects of Russian migration. Published and electronic media provide valid
information related to the residence and activities of Russian newcomers. I
also collected valuable data during fieldwork I carried out in 2007 that allows
an analysis of the new ways of migration. The presence of the Russians is felt
on a daily basis throughout the year. It is manifested in the Russian language
being heard on the streets, in banks, shops, pharmacies, hotels and
restaurants, tourist agencies, as well as in advertising. The old Russian
cemetery in Herceg Novi is experiencing a revival: a chapel is being built and
the cemetery itself re-built. The questions that will also be addressed here
are the following: what is the reflection of this transitional, Orthodox
fluctuation on the global economy and what are the related changes on the
cultural and social plan, given the possible assimilation of Russians to this
area?
(Ethnographic Institute, Serbian
Almost twenty years after the break up of
Yugoslavia, the Bosnian town of Jajce is still primarily associated with its
World War II heritage (symbolical grounding place of the socialist and
federative state) and is usually put under public and media spotlight merely
once a year, on the 29th Novemeber, the occasion of the annual evocation of the
historic antifascist council meeting held in 1943. Based on field-work
ethnography and media resources, this paper will scrutinize the changes that
had occurred in previous years in the physical, symbolic and ideological set-up
of the Jajce commemorative ensemble (local memorial museum, evocative rituals,
social gatherings etc.). Attitudes and experiences of both the inhabitants and
visitors of the “birthplace of Yugoslavia” display an array of views on their
own/common past, present and future, and on the political changes and
transformations of the last two decades. This paper will also explore the modes
of use for the site, which once represented par excellence a mutual Yugoslav
landmark, in the context of a continuing dominant nationalist paradigm in most
former Yugoslav states, and also in the context of the local community and
their own specific use of the town’s historical heritage in everyday life and
during the annual focus on the town. The issue will also be addressed as to how
this newly resurrected and defined/recycled memory culture, and the locality
that embodies it, relate to the phenomena of (Yugo)nostalgia, the
commercialization of everyday socialist experience, and contemporary political
projects and movements.
(University of Belgrade, Faculty of
Architecture)
The 20th century will be remembered for the enormous developments that
provoked admiration and praise, but also critique and skepticism regarding
their sustainability over time. New social ideology required a new ideal city
which would symbolically represent the new society. Today, New Belgrade is a
city within a city, the former pride of the communist authorities, which was
primarily occupied by marshes and only represented a connection between two
independent urban settlements – Belgrade and Zemun.
The
totalitarian architectural brutalism produced many buildings, and even entire
residential quarters, which were monumental in a very negative sense. The
monotonous morphology and urban volumes, which exploded far beyond the human
scale, lead to a further estrangement between the people and the city. Still,
in time, the people of New Belgrade started to show an increasing level of
adaptability to their living space. The changes brought by the new millennium
lead to the rapid reshaping of the physical structure and demography.
Unfortunately, rapid development has its toll. Inevitably, profit is the main
drive of the urban development, and it is playing a major role in the shaping
of New Belgrade.
No
doubt, in the world of architecture tension and sometimes conflict has long
existed between those who welcome the architecture of modernity and modernizing
globalism and those who reject it. The city, with its people as a trigger of
progress in the future, is also an anchor connecting us to the past. In both
cases, the city enables us to travel through time, fast forward through events
and bring us times long past, making us move in both directions.
(Institute of National History,
This article addresses the historical
phases of gender relations in Macedonia throughout two main periods, focusing
on the Macedonian women’s rights movement that came after socialism, based on
various documentation provided from different sources. We take into
consideration the fact that in the period before 1990, all individuals in the
socialist society, having a mono-political parliamentary system, had limited
political or social roles, the centre of power being a Communist/Socialist
Party. A multi-parliamentary democracy in Macedonia has been practiced since
its independence, after the decomposition of the Yugoslav Federation, when a
new historical époque influenced changes in each aspect of society. A period of
intensified civil organization on different bases began as a result of
individual initiatives and ideas of citizens, which led to the establishment of
various organizations, institutions, and political parties. Regarding gender
equality, efforts were directed towards strengthening the position of women in
society as well. In order to set a basis for changing the laws and regulations
of domestic legislation, some important international documents related to the
international women's movement and gender equality have been accepted.
Concerning the process of the institutionalization of women's activities, we
find several very important historical mile-stones that marked the path from
the first and basic normative documents up to the post-socialist period.
Accordingly, these phases of development, from declaration to legislation, will
be the key interest of my article.
(Independent scholar)
This paper examines narratives of
‘volunteerism’ and ‘civil society’ that emerge in Greece in the beginning of
the 21st century as part of new forms of governmentality. These narratives
craft the new European and Greek citizen and echo visions of the ‘modernization’
and ‘Europeanization’ of Greek society. The paper focuses on the ways in which
the left engages with such processes through the case of a voluntary
association. The association, formed in the 1990s, is a typical example of the
emergence of voluntary and non-governmental associations under the influence of
EU projects and state initiatives. Moreover, it reflects the transition from
other modes of action - ecological, anti-military and feminist movements as
well as political groups - to new institutionalized forms of relatedness.
Diverse agents creatively post-interpret new modes of governmentality: an
‘expert’ on ‘volunteerism’, a ‘young European volunteer’ and ‘volunteers’.
Despite the institutionalization and professionalization attempts, subversive
models of sociality persevere and challenge governmentality processes.
(Seminar
für Ethnologie, Martin-Luther Universität Halle-Wittenberg)
Dalmatia is often referred to as both
“Balkan” and “Mediterranean” and in either case the region is characterised by
its dense fragmentation that not only impinges on dominant cultivation
techniques, channels of trade and “political and ethnic untidiness”, but also
reacts against the religious topography (Horden/Purcell 2000: 25 & 622). In
their comprehensive study of Mediterranean history, P. Horden and N. Purcell
emphasise that “the religious landscape of the Mediterranean world has always closely
reflected a fragmented topography and the geography of the means by which the
fragmentation is overcome” (ibid: 404). The striving towards unambiguousness
and consistency in order to overcome fragmentation is also a prominent
characteristic of the ecological niche structure in Dalmatia and constitutes an
important way of responding to the constraints of the environment. The attempt
to eradicate ambiguity is also currently politically exploited and manifests
itself in the trend in which conservative and/or populist political parties
increasingly support institutions or events that promote specific local,
regional and national values as ‘authentic’ and contrast them to threatening
invasions from abroad. Following J. Frykman’s assessment that identification
with place and territory seems to be one of the most prominent sources of
cultural identity of the Europe of today (see Frykman 2003: 1171), my
presentation takes a closer look at the spatial aspects of the Croatian
self-assessment as historical Antemurale Christianitatis (“bulwark of Christianity”)
and further touches on gendered aspects of place-making, as well as the
sacralisation of space in the context of pilgrimages.
(Facultés Saint-Louis,
Bruxelles, and LISST, Centre d’Anthropologie Sociale, Toulouse)
Even
though, in the case of
(Institute
for South East European Studies,
This paper’s topic revolves around the idea that genuine identities
contribute to the making up of ethnicities in certain areas in South East
Europe. The case I illustrate this point with concerns the Bulgarian speaking
population from South Romania. The empirical content of the paper is grounded
upon fieldwork I carried out in 2003 in rural areas and in 2010 in a few
communes close to Bucharest.
A
concept proposed in recent litterature is that of a "hidden minority"
(Petrović, Promitzer, Sikimić 2004). Groups of the population
featured in this concept will have faced dramatic "historical"
circumstances. On one hand, political modernization did not erase their
traditional social structures; on the other hand, they were victims of global
events such as world wars, colonizations, and deportations, tragedies which
were carried out within the national states. As such, in my opinion, the
concept of a national minority is inappropriate, whilst that of a hidden
minority covers too little, considering the capacity of these people to design
their ethnicity. That is why I prefer the concept of a hidden identity.
Inspired
by the seminal work of Michael Herzfeld on Cultural Intimacy (1997), as well as
by concepts of resistance and hidden transcripts (Scott 1985; Idem 1990), I
argue that these hidden identities could be seen as forms of resistant
ethnicity.
(Sociology Department, University of
Konstanz)
This presentation is based upon a research project that was designed to
convey information on the cultural dynamics underlying the transmission
processes of political meaning in post-war Serbia. Hereby, graffiti and
street-art production are taken for 'everyday media' that may deliver
exceptional evidence of local people's views on politics and thus challenge
such predominant views according to which "nationalism still tends to be
viewed as positive," and that "movement forward toward stable democracy
can only be difficult” (Ramet/Pavlaković 2005: ix).
After
shortly introducing the research design (sample, content analysis, focus group
analysis) and the results of our graffiti/street-art survey, I shall interpret
our findings against the socio-historical context of the research and elucidate
the complex transmission dynamics underlying the recent proliferation of
political icons, such as 'three fingers' and diverse slogans and symbols
addressing the Kosovo issue after the method of Panofskyan resp. Mitchell's
theory of 'iconology.' Here, we have to account for recent developments such as
the emergence and expansion of rightist movements such as Obraz, 1389, Naši,
and their strategies to take over the public space and streets in their aim to
'normalize' a 'Serbian way of life'. In conclusion, a media theory
corresponding to the Serbian mediascape will be presented and our results
measured against the predominant views introduced at the beginning.
(European Studies Faculty,
Conducting
research into borders and border areas, their solidity (modern) and liquidity
(postmodern), seems very relevant for the so called marginalized provinces of
nation states, but it gets even more interesting in such a multi-faceted area
such as southeast Albania, a region that borders Greece not only as a state,
but as the EU as well. In the countries of SEE migration across borders and
transnational activity occur on a daily basis, to some extent thanks to
Europeanization and globalization, as well as economic crises in native
countries.
This
paper is based on interviews taken among Vlachs in the city of
(Faculty of Culture and Media, Belgrade)
The Roma are the largest ethnic minority in Europe with official
estimates of up to 12 million. However, the Roma community is still highly
marginalized, especially in Southeastern Europe.
The
mass media are a very important part of everyday life: they represent the
cultural, political, economic and social processes and have a central role in
forming and reflecting public opinion. My research subject is therefore
concerned with the mass media representations of Roma.
What
are the forms of media policy in Serbia? What is the historical status of the
Roma minority in Serbia? What is the relationship between the present media
status of the Roma minority in Serbia and the socialist past of former
Yugoslavia? We will try to answer these questions.
This
paper engages with the complexity and contradictions in media representations
of the constructed idea of the Roma minority. The paper investigates how, when,
and in what ways the Roma enter media space and what the media-created images
of this group are. The article makes use of my own research project concerning
the ways in which Serbian print media represented Roma between 2005 and 2010. I
can not see any betterment in the treating of the Roma minority in printed
media. It is presently promoted that Roma have a different culture and
different formulas of behavior that are not in accordance with the norms of the
majority. Print media are distributing stereotypes which are ghettoizing Roma.
They are depicted as uneducated, beggars, dirty and animals. Therefore, media
stereotypes are one of the main sources of the negative social position of Roma
in Serbia.
(Univeristy of Belgrade, Faculty of Political
Sciences)
It has been noted in literature on post-socialism that the idea of ‘normal
life’ figured prominently in people’s understanding of the recent
socio-political changes and their own social position. In this paper I want to
explore this rather vague idea of normality in order to show how people in
Serbia try to recreate normality through shopping practices, while also
connecting it with the ideas about location and certain understandings of
cosmopolitanism. I would argue that in Serbia, ‘normality’ refers to ‘Western’
goods, among other things, but it seems to me that their status and my
informants’ ability to appropriate them were far from straightforward.
Drawing
from my long term fieldwork research in the Serbian town of Novi Sad, I focus
on a particular group of people – mostly young, well-educated and relatively
high social status Serbs – exploring the ways in which they feel dislocated by
recent socio-political changes. Most of them tried to build their social
position through different practices understood as ‘cosmopolitan’, but
practiced by people who just happened to live in Serbia. In that sense, the
seemingly mundane practice of every-day shopping – and I especially concentrate
on goods closely connected with bodies: food and clothes – and the commodities
themselves served as the medium between my informants and the specific 'others'
they wanted to become. However, the imagined ‘normality’ they tried to
(re)create through the appropriation of these goods did not only include the
‘appropriation’ of ‘Western-ness’ (equated with European-ness), but also the
erasure of this mimicking practice itself that was seen as brought by the fall
of Yugoslav socialism.
(Leibniz Institute for Regional Geography,
Gated and guarded neighbourhoods have
been once referred to as spaces of global neoliberalism par excellence (Brenner
and Theodore 2002). In fact, when looking at the rapid proliferation of gated
and guarded neighbourhoods in Southeastern Europe one can arrive at a similar
conclusion. The interplay of international real estate companies, global
capital, finacially well-equipped residents and a rather passive public
administration (urban planning) has created this new feature as part of a
neoliberal urban landscape.
Moreover, it is of great interest for urban researchers to
get an insight into what is happening behind these newly produced spaces. Based
on five different case studies from Sofia, this paper will question who the new
residents are, what the motifs are for this voluntary exclusion, and what kind
of conflicts can been found behind these walls and fences. Later, this paper
will discuss whether gated and guarded neighbourhoods might lead to the
formation of a new powerful social class.
(Laboratoire d'Ethnologie
et de Sociologie Comaprative, Université Paris X Nanterre)
Despite
official ideology of equality and fairness, many social resources such as
education, access to health care and employment were determined to some extent in
Socialist Albania by the political history of the individual’s ligneage and the
strategic mobilisation of better-placed relatives or affines. In today’s
capitalist Albania, the political allegiance of the individual continues in
many cases to play a major role in the obtaining and betterment of her economic
position. In the last fifteen years, however, a new factor has entered the
prerequisites for obtaining desired resources: lekë (money, or in this case,
bribes). Using data from extensive fieldwork in villages around the town of
Fier in Albania, I shall examine the case of strategies used by recent
university graduates to enter the labour market in their field of
specialisation. I will outline the relative importance over time of mobilising
miq and lekë in the obtention of a job, and discuss to what extent the very
definition of miq in these contexts has changed in recent years. I will analyse
actors’ perceptions of the options that are open to them, the efficacity of
such strategies, and the perceived long-term consequences of current
transformations in informal entry tactics into state and private
employment. Is rampant corruption on all
levels seen by locals as a transitory phase prior to EU accession and (supposedly
consequent) attainment by Albania of “European” standards of governance and
transparency? Or is it seen rather as an unfortunate but unavoidable
development of local power relations in conformance to and in imitation of the
norms at play in the two major host societies of Albanian migrants?
(Faculty
of Political Science,
Going
beyond the canonical Romantic definition of the “Picturesque”, the aim of this
paper is to establish the way in which the nascent modern Romanian culture -
starting with the late 18th century - appropriated and internalized as part of
its self-image the perception of its anecdotal exoticism, as first
conceptualized by Western travelers. Themselves confronted with modernity’s
heightened perception of and conflicting views on alterity, such Western
visitors left a long-standing legacy of interrogation and doubt in matters of
identity and cultural insertion .The picturesque
- as will be argued - may thus be seen as a constant of the modern Romanian
cultural perspective on both “traditional values” and the present. What is more, one may contend that the Romanian narrative of the picturesque has a
tradition of its own which, far from being abolished by a would-be postmodern
deconstruction, has seen a massive revival after the fall of Communism, as a
way of relating to a traumatic recent past, a way to re-establish cultural
continuity and to explore the “alterity” and place of Romania within an increasingly
significant context of European identity. Finally, the novel way in which the
post-1989 understanding of the picturesque
has come to accommodate the Romanian perception of the neighboring
(Universität Erfurt)
In
the social sciences and anthropology, the process of modernization in the field
of religion usually implies a coincidence with secularization,
deinstitutionalization and the individualization of beliefs. While sociologist
Grace Davie already revised the theory she had developed in the nineties about
"believing without belonging," limiting it to Western Europe, this
paper tries to encourage the discussion of the applicability, especially of
theories of a religious market, to Southeast European countries mainly
illustrated by the example of
This
paper is primarily based on the results of empirical investigations which apply
various models and theories on the religious landscape of the country. Despite
revealing some tendencies towards the individualization of belief in
(Institut of Sociology, Roumanian Academy,
La ville
de Bucarest se retrouve au XIXe siècle dans un profond processus de changement
social. Les modèles culturels venus auparavant d’Istanbul sont peu à peu
remplacés par d’autres, importés de l’ouest de l’Europe. On assiste à une
acculturation volontaire, désirée et recherchée qui va changer, en quelques
décennies seulement la vie de ses habitants, mais aussi l’aspect de la ville
tout entière.
Parmi les nouveautés, les
vêtements, que les femmes et les jeunes s’empressent d’apporter de Paris et de
Vienne surtout. Les boyards, aux hautes fonctions politiques se montrent plus
réticents, car aux yeux des Turcs, la manière de s’habiller n’était pas anodine.
Les nouveaux habits bouleversent profondément la société. Ils apportent
l’égalité et l’uniformité sociale, le contraire des confortables habits
orientaux qui marquaient nettement le statut social du porteur.
Des
nouveaux meubles arrivent, car les habits européens ne vont plus avec les
larges divans turcs. Néanmoins, les vieilles habitudes sont trop
enracinées pour s’effacer aussi vite et il n’est pas rare que l’on préfère
s’asseoir par terre, les jambes croisées, à coté des chaises, tout en gardant
le haut-de-forme sur la tête, comme auparavant les kalpaks.
Dans
les salons on commence à parler surtout le français, ce qui facilite les
échanges.
Ces changements sont
l’apanage des classes aisées de la ville. Les paysans, situés en bas de
l’échelle sociale, y restent apparemment insensibles.
Afin de bien comprendre
ce processus d’acculturation, il convient de l’encadrer dans un contexte
géographique large, car à l’époque, on le retrouve, avec des particularités
locales, dans toute la région du sud-est européen.
(Institute of Ethnography, Serbian Academy
of Sciences and Arts, Belgrade)
A return to religion after several decades of secularism and rationalism
has brought new religious practices to social and cultural life in Serbia.
These transformations, in certain aspects, include a return to pre-socialist
religious tradition and to a greater extent create new patterns that attempt to
fit into the old and traditional context. This has resulted in a number of
hybrid practices, that emerged from the influence of “modern Western” culture,
as well as from the rising economic strength of new elites. This phenomenon is
probably the most noticeable of examples of a material culture, as the most
common way of manifesting religiosity.
This
paper will research insufficiently explored examples of the new perception of
religious material culture. The examples comprise the commercialization of
religious customs and needs (exclusive religious tourism, expensive religious
objects, etc.), excessive public religious demonstrations and a general shift
of focus from the spiritual to the material. I will analyze whether these
phenomena are the actual result of modern man’s religious needs, or a current
trend, which can possibly have permanent consequences on the preservation of
traditional values, and also on society’s general cultural and spiritual
development.
(Universty of Bucharest, Faculty of Letters,
Chair of Anthropology)
It has become increasingly obvious that the
complexity of human kind in present times acts as a way of reshaping the
traditional patterns of assessing the statute of the individual as part of a
group on the one hand, and as an individual on the other hand. The same is also
true for gender, where the traditional split into two homogenous categories has
for some time now stopped working. The shades of grey that overshadow the
traditional taxonomies lead to an increasing need for the re-devision of the
old categories into new, clearer, and smaller groups that create a new identity
from that ashes of the old insufficient ones. That being said, a new male
category is culturally emerging, yet unlike the category of metrosexual, now
old itself, in which the male profile leans towards femininity sets or, to be
more accurate, resets masculinity in being an emphasis on the old features that
were held previously by males. The present paper will try to expand upon the
features that the Retrosexual has today and the way in which this category
creates its identity.
(Ethnographic Museum in Belgrade)
Cultural tourism in the communication space of globalized
civilization functions also as a spectrum of possibilities for the development
of countries in transition. Since cultural tourism participates in heritage
industry and implies, broadly speaking, all phenomena, relations and events
that arise through communicational exchanges between the indigenous and
tourists, the phenomenon of ethno tourism, and in particular the ethno-village,
gains a specific meaning in post-war Serbian society. Through the examples of
three ethno-villages, it is possible to recognize (through self-determination in anthropologic
discourse and the distribution of its meaning within interest and target
groups) a transposition of various constructs of identity in the communication
channels I – We, We – We, and We – Others. This research was conducted using
examples from a republic institution – the Open-air Museum Sirogojno, a private
ethno-village Stanisici, and the alleged private tourist resort Mecavnik, owned
by the film director Emir Kusturica,
whose most significant programs are financed by the Ministry of Culture
of the
(National School of Political Sciences and
Public Administration, Department of Sociology,
The proposed paper focuses on the processes of local identity building
supporting the emergence of a regional tourism brand, Târnava Mare, now home to
several of Romania’s UNESCO World Heritage Sites – Saxon fortified rural
churches (Kirchenburgen) – and appreciated as a cultural landscape (comparable
to its practices with more consecrated vineyard landscapes).
The
local branding process aggregates a network of stakeholders around the Saxon
region, triggered by a national context of public agenda debates on local
development and decentralisation, but
also national identity and country branding (the post EU accession years). The
existence of an observed rhetoric engages several power themes: material
landmarks of Saxon heritage (cultural landscapes, gastronomy, handcraft),
food-related policies and practices (locality,
organic/homemade/traditional/typical products, agro-tourism), and sustainable
development.
Research
questions concern the agents and phenomena contributing to the emergence of a
local tourism brand and of a market for authenticity, history, and landscape:
How is the interaction between local and international actors and knowledge
fluxes shaping the patrimonialisation process? How does the added value of
"Saxonness" as symbolic capital contribute to the production and
touristic consumption of locality in Târnava Mare? To what extent do the
selection and promotion of landscape, history, experiences, and products blend
into a regional ethos?
(Finnish Institute of International Affairs,
Helsinki, Finland)
The post-communist era of Southeastern
Europe is marked by a commonly shared discourse on Europeanisation – EU jargon
of sustainable development, integration, regional cooperation and European
partnership, but also a more interventionist discourse of project management,
benchmarking, state-building and peace building. Cross-border cooperation is
presented as a way of overcoming conflicts related to nation-state building and
a step towards European integration. The Patron of the Balkans Peace Park
Project – a cross-border cooperation project in the border area of Albania,
Kosovo and Montenegro – Graham Watson notes: “Whilst EU membership remains a
beacon of hope for Balkan countries, schemes like the Balkan Peace Park Project
are vitally important to peace in Europe. The Project rises above the politics
that have plagued the region - - this embodies both the spirit of liberalism
and European integration.” This paper (partly based on field research in the
region) aims at analyzing the Peace Park Project (the idealist discourse that
surrounds it and the reality on the ground) in the context of the
re-established communication lines between Albanians across the borders.
Despite outspoken good intentions, this project also presents a number of
unexpected disadvantages to the people living in the border villages. This
paper analyzes the mechanisms adapted to cope with these challenges concerning
the idealism of cross-border cooperation, appropriation of new concepts and
resistance. Approaches towards this cross-border region and the above mentioned
cooperation project are compared, including those at the level of Brussels, the
capitals involved and border villages.
(Babes-Bolyai University,
Cluj-Napoca)
My research looks at how new consumerist values and
norms in post-communist Romania have colonized the bodies of women and how
these women negotiate new meanings with previous understandings of beauty and
femininity. First, I have used discourse analysis of beauty advice publications
(1970-1989) to understand what the standards of beauty were for women during
late communism. Addressed to women in all social strata, these publications
enforced a kind of “civilizing process”, teaching women the minute details of
self-management and care (including personal hygiene and health). The discourse
was highly ideological, enforcing a rather traditional gender identity.
I have also conducted a series of in depth interviews
with women aged 25-50 to understand through their narratives how, after the
demise of communism, they have negotiated the new challenges and requirements
with previously ingrained understandings of beauty and femininity. If during
communism, women were encouraged to display a careful, smart, “feminine”
appearance as part of the role of their sex and their civic duty, afterwards we
have witnessed the “privatization” of feminine beauty: it not only became more
body-focused, but also a personal resource. The body was the locus of enjoying
the fresh sense of freedom and of hedonist investment, but also the symbol of a
new, better life, and the marker of the individual’s commitment to such a life.
However, I argue that the post-communist body is more of a palimpsest with
several layers of understandings and meanings, and not a complete innovation.
(Graduiertenschule
"Religion in Modernisierungsprozessen" der Universität Erfurt)
Wie
nehmen Muslime und Muslimas in Bulgarien "Europa" wahr, welchen
Bildern, Stereotypen und Patterns folgen sie?
Der Beitrag spürt den Bildern,
Perzeptionen und Argumentationsmustern nach, die im Hinblick auf
"Europa" und den "Westen" in den Diskursen der Muslime und
Muslimas im bulgarischen Staat vorhanden sind. Was ist "Europa" für
sie? Ist es das Christentum? Ist es Säkularisierung oder Atheismus? Ist es ein
Symbol der Macht oder der ökonomischen Effizienz? Wird es durch Demokratie und
Menschenrechte vertreten? Oder gilt es als moralisch dekadent? Wird es als eine
homogene Einheit wahrgenommen, oder ist es eher eine vage Vorstellung voller
Widersprüche? Steht der „Westen“ stellvertretend für Europa? Oder wendet man
sich gegen die Usurpation des Europabegriffs durch einen triumphierenden
„Westen“?
Anhand von Textanalysen
(muslimische Presse, Internetveröffentlichungen, publizierte Werke muslimischer
Intellektueller) sowie Experteninterviews und anderer Standardverfahren der
Feldforschung will das Referat diesen Fragen nachgehen und die aktuellen
Europa-Debatten bei ethnisch und sprachlich heterogenen muslimischen Gruppen im
jüngsten EU-Mitgliedsstaat nachzeichnen.
Die Auseinandersetzungen zu
„Europa“ und zum „Westen“ knüpfen unmittelbar an die unter den muslimischen
Bevölkerungsgruppen stattfindenden Werte- und Identitätsdebatten an.
(
This paper focuses on the experiences at work of Greek teachers who work
with second generation immigrants, as well as the impact these have on their
professional identity.
The
study relies upon the “labour process theory” regarding teachers’ work,
Bourdieu’s concepts of students’ “cultural capital” and “habitus” towards
knowledge, and Bernstein’s concept of the “framing” of pedagogical knowledge.
The empirical material which we will be presenting and discussing is the
product of a sociological qualitative piece of research based on 25
semi-structured interviews with teachers. The project took place during
2007-2009. Some of the basic themes we discussed referred to teachers’ daily
professional life, the role of the family regarding students’ educational
achievement, teachers’ relationship with parents, and teachers’ professional
status.
According
to the data, over the last two decades teachers’ work at public schools has
been degraded as native students mainly trust and pay attention to the
flourishing system of para-education. This situation results in a degradation
of teachers’ work and professional status. The presence of immigrant students
in Greece contributes to the shaping of a positive professional identity.
Contrary to what is generally said, their presence upgrades teachers’
professional status. They constitute a "devoted and faithful
audience", which "boosts teachers’ morale" and shapes a positive
professional identity. Immigrant students save teachers’ “professional honour”
as they regain their work object.
(Max Planck Institute for Social
Anthropology, Halle/Saale)
This paper explores the transformations of the Bulgarian rural
house economy and its connectedness to the larger new capitalist framework
through the case study of villages situated in the Rhodope Mountains. After the
collapse of socialism, the rural household economy continued to combine
subsistence farming and cash incomes from wages/salaries and pensions/private
businesses. However, the crucial importance of farming has been reassessed in
distinctively new ways. Most cash incomes are too limited and fluctuant, the
only “hard” income being old-age pensions. As a result, domestic production
(livestock, land, gardening) compensates for the lack of cash by producing
products for self-consumption and/or for sale. Within the frame of household
consumption, villagers tend to consider their products as cheap, or with no
price value. When traded, however, villagers insist upon costly production and
physical effort, arguing for the highest market prices. The threshold between
the two possible destinations of the products, domestic consumption and trade,
is uncertain, for one rarely knows what and how much of it will be for sale.
Whether the value of labor will be calculated is therefore also uncertain,
which is reflected in the ambiguous ways in which the villagers think of their
own labor. The calculation of the value of domestic agricultural labor has been
a longstanding theme in anthropological research. This paper returns to this
classical theme by looking at a society in which the necessity for home farming
is the experience of most rural and some urban families, as an unavoidable
domestic component of the new capitalist modernity.
(Institute of Ethnography, Serbian Academy
of Sciences and Arts,
During the last two decades the process commonly known as “transition”
has brought changes and novelties in Serbian society that have affected various
spheres of social life. The effect that this process had on individuals in
Serbia is vividly depicted through the categories of “winners” and “losers” of
transition. These categories exist both objectively, in terms of the elevation
or degradation of one’s economic and social status, and as conceptualizations
that are created by the members of this society. Winners and losers of
transition, hence, represent specific social groups that emerged as a novelty
in new social circumstances. However, the conceptualizations of these social
groups are not only based on objective parameters, such as the mentioned
elevation or degradation of social and economic status - they also include
diverse aspects which altogether form complex notions of these two categories
in Serbian society. My goal in this paper is to examine the aspects from which
these new social groups are observed and evaluated in the context of Serbian
transition. I am interested in the ways members of this society identify and
think of winners and losers of transition, and how they perceive and categorize
themselves when it comes to these concepts. In this way, various views and
value orientations that may have had a certain effect on the process of
transition in Serbian society can be revealed.
(Institut
für Kultur und Medien, University of
Düsseldorf)
Im
Anschluss an aktuelle Fragestellungen und Perspektiven in der Familienforschung
möchte ich auf der empirischen Grundlage qualitativen Interviewmaterials
Familienbilder von jungen Erwachsenen (20-30 Jahre) aus Südosteuropa
(Herkunftsländer: Serbien, Kroatien, Bosnien, Slowenien, Rumänien, Bulgarien)
vorstellen. Sie sind Bestandteil meines kulturwissenschaftlichen
Promotionsprojekts, das sich mit Generation(n) und Zugehörigkeit(en) im
globalen Raum beschäftigt. In meinem Beitrag zur Konferenz richte ich den Blick
auf die Erzählungen über Familie und Vorstellungen von Familie, die im
Interviewmaterial zu finden sind. Mein besonderes Interesse richte hierbei zum
einen auf den für mich in (Neben-)Erzählungen sichtbar werdenden Zusammenhang
von Familie und Angst, wobei ich Angst als familienkonstituierendes und
verstärkendes Element im Sinne des ‚doing family’ verstehe. In den erinnerten
Ängsten junger Südosteuropäer werden aber auch (Kriegs-)Erfahrungen sichtbar,
die sich auf die Fragilität von Familie als Schutzraum für Kinder und
Jugendliche beziehen. Zum anderen interessiert mich die identitätsstiftende
Bedeutung von Familie im Kontext räumlicher Selbstverortungen. Gerade für die
Legitimation (trans-)nationaler Selbstverortungen oder einer
‚self-re-balkanization’ (Kolozova) wird die Herkunft der Vorfahren
bedeutungsvoll.
(Hacettepe University, Ankara &
University of Edinburgh)
Besides the economic transformations it foresees, neo-liberalism, as a
hegemonic ideology of the 1980s and post 80's, calls for new structures in
society that are based on nationalism. Amongst other ideologies, nationalism
holds a superior position in the political arena, which appears to be
invisible, unconscious, normal and banal. In order for other ideologies to gain
a position in the area of political discourse, articulating with nationalism(s)
becomes necessary.
It is
possible to witness nationalism in everyday life through concrete practices
that produce and reproduce (national) identities in commonplace encounters. The
context of migration, which makes the concept of nation and belonging more
important, can be accepted as an example which makes nationalist identities
more salient. In this context I think that a new, ordinary type of nationalism
is produced through various clichéd expressions in the discourse of ordinary
people. The statement “I am a nationalist person” is one of the most popular of
these clichés. This statement refers to a positive concept of nationalism and
it seems very far from all other political positioning. It is the most
important example of the apolitical discourse of ordinary people.
This
paper is a part of research in progress, and so I will provide some sample
interviews carried out with Turkish immigrants in Scotland. My aim in this
paper is to understand how people define nationalism(s), what the meaning of
being nationalist is, and what the positive and negative references to
nationalism(s) are.
(Babes-Bolyai University of Cluj-Napoca)
This paper explores the forms and uses of some recently built
environments in the city of Cluj, Romania. Adopting an ethnographic perspective
of studying cultural practices, and a visual-anthropological approach of
questioning the images and representations of symbolic objects/places, research
is based on an ongoing investigation of new urban spaces and buildings in a
postsocialist context.
Over
the last 20 years, accompanied by the many transformations that occurred in the
region, urban space was subject to significant changes and reconfigurations.
From the point of view of its material culture, houses, commercial and
religious buildings, former factories, banks, parks, cars, monuments, and urban
furniture became both the significant elements of these changes and references
to new cultural, political, social, and economic statuses and relationships.
We focus
on the forms (architectural/aesthetic, ideological, and functional) and uses
(legal, symbolic, and ritual) of such objects and places, and the interaction
between them and human bodies, as a particular category of materiality, in a
selection of relevant “case studies”.
Our
study attempts to provide a description and an appropriate interpretation of
the challenges invovled in the transformation (in the context of local urban
planning and development) of urban materialities and practices, as well as to assess
people's approaches and responses to such transformation, from the viewpoint of
their everyday life, innovative and creative utilizations and resistance.
Subsequently, the issues of producing new imbalances, uncertainties, and losses
will be critically addressed and evaluated as a result of both the forms and
uses of these new urban objects and places.
(Center for Research and
Policy Making,
This
paper examines the case of Ekrem Jevric, a middle-aged prosaic labor migrant
from rural
This
case, accompanied by surreal elements such as the featuring of Jevric in a
Dolce and Gabanna commercial, raises several important questions for further
study. Through an analysis of the video material and the comments made by and
for Jevric, this paper tries to analyze two key aspects of this case. First,
the internalization of Balkanist discourse in diasporic and local discourses.
In the case of Jervic, internalized Balkanism is projected onto himself - his
song is about his inability to cope with “western” values - while the discourse
of his fans dispersed around the globe is not homogeneous. The second aspect is
the promotion of the culture of “failure” and the pleasure of watching people
ridicule themselves, which in this case transcends the internalized Balkanism
and refers to a broader phenomenon on the social web.
(Ovidius University of Constanta)
This paper will focus on Romanian women in contemporary times
who have become a mirror image of Aeneas, the mythic hero. Just as Aeneas sets
out on a journey to fulfil his destiny and find a better life, Romanians embark
on quests in order to find better paid jobs and a stable economic situation. In
order to prove this point, I will make reference to several movies that already
reflect the changes in Romanian society, most particularly ‘Cealalta Irina’
(The Other Irina), directed by Andrei Gruzsniczki and released in 2009, and
‘Francesca’, directed by Bobby Paunescu and released in 2009. I will approach
gender roles and deconstruct them, demonstrating that women no longer hold a
passive role but are in fact amongst those trying to earn money, and also that
the role of the victim is not always played by women. Moreover, I will discuss
the impact of multiculturalism and how it affects relationships within the
country as well as on the Continent. Last but not least, I will consider this
group of women who travel to work abroad as a different type of minority
because of the different reactions they have caused.
(Max Planck Institute for Social
Anthropology, Halle/Saale)
My paper will relate the present economic crisis to increasing calculation
in trade. In the highlands of Romania, I have researched a village of timber
traders who were very successful immediately after the fall of communism. Their
ascending track of success made them stick to the ideology of “anything goes”,
as they made substantial profits even without a clear business plan. This
continued up until the past two years when economic crisis caused the
construction market to breakdown. Today the producers-traders have begun to
calculate the costs and benefits of their trade and take only “calculated
risks”. They have begun to include in their accounting the price of timber for
their work; they even include stress as a cost, in order to generate an
“accurate” statement for themselves as to whether it is worth keeping up with
timber production and sales.
I
will show how a situation of economic breakdown can bring calculation to the
fore and cause traders to become more specialized, thus in a way meeting the
demands of a “capitalist market”, however black it may be.
(Max Planck Institute of Social
Anthropology, Halle/Saale)
This presentation looks at strategies of place-making by local elites in
the post-war environment of the divided city of Mostar in Bosnia and
Herzegovina (BiH). It explores how, on the one hand, such place-making
strategies articulate with “state-building” projects, and on the other, “state-rescaling”
projects, which are both being put forward by “the international community”.
Rather than presuming a neo-liberal development strategy, carried out by
international organizations to be a global driving force of changing state
configurations in BiH, I focus on the agency of locally embedded, but
state-wide and internationally connected elites. I trace the ways in which
elites draw on the sense of locality as a lived and historically contingent
experience and thus a source of their legitimacy, yet simultaneously also
refashion the meaning of locality in their response to international
"state-building" and "state-rescaling" initiatives. My
analysis is based on three cases of local negotiations around initiatives by
organisations of the European multi-level governance structure: the promotion
of local self-government reforms, the formation of networks of cross-border
cooperation, and regional economic development plans in the field of transport
infrastructure.
Acknowledging
that territorial-administrative entities are not a static platform of social
relations, but are imagined, shaped and experienced as constitutive elements of
these social relations, my aim is to explore from an anthropological
perspective what consequences such elite place-making strategies have for
perceptions of Mostar as a unit of local self-government in the wider context
of external state-building and Euro-Atlantic integration.
(Philipps-Universität
Marburg, Institut für Vergleichende Kulturforschung, Fachgebiet Völkerkunde)
In Northern Albania and Georgian Svaneti,
both "kulla" and "koshki" are defence towers in which,
amongst other reasons, families entrench themselves in times of blood feud.
Both are material witnesses of traditional law in the Balkans and Caucasus and
both have their place in the self-portrayal of local people. In this paper I
will discuss the ways in which tradition, and in particular traditional law, is
used in presentations of identity in Albania and Georgia. Rather than
discussing whether traditional law is still a relevant legal frame of reference
for day to day behaviour,
I will argue that an assumed contemporary relevance of traditional law is based
to a large extent on this enacting of traditional law. The paper is based on
field research carried out in Albania (2001-2003) and in Georgia (2009-2010).
(Alexandru Ioan Cuza University of Iaşi)
In purely historical, economic and social
terms, the postcolonial experience and the postcommunist experiment have
distinct profiles that cannot be conflated. The ideologies that put them into
orbit are obviously different. The post in postcolonial, like the post in
postcommunism is the post of space clearing gesture; besides, even if for
dissimilar reasons, both paradigms are postrealist, in the sense that they are
anti-mimetic. Postcolonialism is rooted in capitalist ideology whereas the
postcommunist experiment claims to represent a final transcendence of
capitalism. An important part of the paper will attempt to parallel the post
communist experience with the postcolonial and interrogate whether we may apply
the postcolonial perspective to postcommunist contexts. Based on the fact that
race and ethnicity issues are central in the postcolonial order, this paper
aims to consider the concept of ethnicity in its cultural determinations across
the dichotomy East/West, establishing the relationship between postcolonial and
postcommunist ethnicity and tracing analogies between Communist and hegemonic
colonial discourse. Crossing the former Iron Curtain, another part of the paper
will explore the way Central and Eastern European countries coped with ethnic
provocation in their troubled past and the way in which multicultural policies
are still at a loss to shape the new postcommunist context.
(Philosophical Faculty,
The
early 1990s was a period of the revival of religion, but also the turbulent
breakup of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. By 1995, when the war
officially ended in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina, all the former Yugoslav
republics had already become independent states, with the exception of Serbia
and Montenegro, who redefined their political unity and stayed together within
the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
In
1995, the
This
paper will address the ways in which the Easter Procession (Vaskršnja litija)
in Kuti became the Sabor (central gathering) for that part of the Bay’s
population, who searched for ways in which to express the Serbian component of
their identity in what was becoming an exclusively Montenegrin one, created by
the Montenegrin political elite who had been in power since 1997. It will also
trace the ways in which the meaning of litija changed in accordance with the
political situation up until 2006, when a unilateral referendum for the
independence of Montenegro was successfully realized, and then from 2006 untill
the present day, during which the Serbian population was placed in the position
of being between a former constitutive nation and a new ethnic minority.
(Dept. of Sociology at Indiana University
& Dept. of Social Policy at University of Zagreb)
Many scholars agree with Mannheim's thesis
about real social change occuring only when new generations, fully socialized
in new regimes, replace the old ones. In the meantime however, the generations
who live durung this transition cannot just standby waiting for these new
societies to form. The generations of youth that are now reaching adulthood and
full-fledged membership of postcommunist societies are the ones caught
in-between regimes. On the one hand, they may have been born in recent years or
after the break-up of communist regimes, and on the other they may have spent
either their formative years or their whole lives in a new capitalist regime.
For these generations, communism is in the past, and yet it is still recent
enough to be bound to the lived experiences of their parents and the majority
of people who surround them. In addition, it is embedded in the institutions
that surround them. As a result, members of these transitional generations are
socialized in the values of their new capitalist societies, but at the same
time they still have access to the possibly conflicting or competing values of
the previous regime. My research question therefore concerns the ways in which
members of these young transitional generations legitimize their experiences of
capitalism in light of the available perspectives of the previous communist
regime. I examined this question by conducting 72 in-depth interviews with two
Croatian post-Yugoslav generations (born 1978-81 and 1989-91). Specifically, I
examined what these generations thought was good or bad in the Yugoslav
communist/socialist system and how this compares to their lives and
expectations within Croatian capitalism.
(New
The purpose of this paper is to
introduce and analyze contemporary aspects of new religious practices in post-socialist
Bulgaria. My research is focused on the veneration of miraculous icons and the
specifics of the modern pilgrimage. The miraculous icon has always been an
important “social actor” in the period of crisis in Eastern Europe.
As such, miraculous icons contribute to the emotional dimension of
ritual, but even more importantly always act as nodes, tying in rhetoric, power
and religion.
We can thus use the veneration of the miraculous icon and associated
ritual practice, such as processions, as a “mirror” of the social processes in
a particular local community.
The postmodern pilgrimage as a “sacred”
manifestation, articulated within
the
specific parameters of a particular faith, heritage, or project, is crucial to a pilgrim’s
identity. Even though pilgrimage and tourism may be intensely individual
experiences, they are innately social phenomena. I will thus discuss the
difference in the production and meaning of belonging within these two
discourses, as well as the points of intersection between them. The focus will
be on the appropriation of the idea of the veneration of
miraculous icons and pilgrimage, with its modern accoutrements, by the cultural
tourism industry. This phenomenon will be viewed in the context of contemporary
aspects of post-globalization and its unavoidable spectrum of “traditional”
spirituality.
(
The
largest Bulgarian diaspora is to be found in
Since
1991 post-Soviet societies have been swept by a profound economic crisis, which
has had a direct impact on the possibilities of rural employment. These new
circumstances are bringing changes to the family. This paper will follow the
impact of the crisis on essential everyday work activities and the realignment
of the priorities of daily life. It will follow the new daily family
activities, male and female spheres of activity, the mutual assistance of
family partners, and the relationship between generations, etc.
Since
the majority of Bessarabian Bulgarians are
still involved in agriculture, an essential part of the paper will address the
economic function of the family in the post-socialist period. Interest will be
centered upon the influence of the newly founded "co-operative farms"
on families' strategies of survival.
(
Montenegro was among the less developed Yugoslav republics and entered
the phase of industrial modernity only in the second half of the 20th century.
Today, however, the effects of the late modern or postmodern era, as well as
the impact of the so called “third industrial revolution” in the field of
mobile telephony, are not only underpinning business, the public sphere and
everyday life, but are also penetrating into and influencing practices of the
ethno-cultural tradition. Mobile phone usage became a mainstream communication
technology for the population in Montenegro, and in recent years skype
telephony has been growing rapidly. This communication provides possibilities
for the creation of a space with socio-cultural functions for families,
relatives and wider communities.
What
brings stimulating challenges for an ethnographer is the application and
incorporation of mobile and internet telephony into festive and socio-cultural
traditional patterns. A number of customs involving life-cycle practices (introducing
the families of a couple to be married via skype conversation; calling at a
certain stage of a ritual to short-cut a distance or substitute a real meeting)
as well as other occasional socio-normative customs that are still practised in
Montenegro (the reconciliation of two families involved in a conflict of blood
revenge) incorporate patterns related to mobile telephony connecting people
from the community.
The
proposed paper will present and analyse the application of this new technology
in phone communication, as a newly immerged yet already constituted part of
certain customs, in which the traditional performing of the custom is
“up-dated” and transformed.
(Ethnographic Institute of Serbian Academy
of Sciences and Arts, Belgrade)
This paper is based on field research carried out in southeast Kosovo
from 2003 to 2006. The focus of interest was the Serbian community, a mainly
rural population. The aim was to examine the relation between ethnic and other
forms of identification (religious, regional, gender) in a context that had
undergone profound change since 1999, when an international protectorate had
been set up for the region.
This
article focuses on changes occurring in relations of family and kinship in the
period following 1999. The pronounced traditionalism of the Serbian family in the
context of rapid social change (war and post-war trauma, international
administration, the migration of some of the population to Serbia, the
influence of globalization...) acquired new forms, reflected in gender and
inter-generational relations, procedures of property inheritance, etc. The
symbolic language of family rituals such as weddings (a private event which
takes place in the public arena), expresses an imaginative merging of global
and local into glocal.